Thank you very much. May I say that it is always
a very great honor and privilege to he introduced by a Rockefeller. As
you recall, when I accepted the nomination for President, the man who introduced
me so generously a moment ago - his brother introduced me then, Governor
Rockefeller, the Governor of the State of New York, and certainly it is
with great pleasure, and I want to take this opportunity to tell you how
much we appreciate the support we have had from not only Governor Rockefeller
in the State of New York and around the country, where he's doing a magnificent
job for our cause, but also from Winthrop Rockefeller, on whom we're counting,
on him and his many friends, to carry the State of Arkansas for us in the
campaign.
As a matter of fact, I had talked to the Governor
about the visit to Arkansas, and we had a very tight schedule. He suggested
that since West Memphis was so conveniently handy to Memphis that this
would be an excellent opportunity, and I so appreciate your inviting us,
and I deeply appreciate, and I want to express that appreciation on behalf
of Pat, my wife, and all of our party, your coming out today in this rather
unusual weather.
I know, too, that Pat would want me to thank
you for this beautiful bouquet of flowers which was presented to her. I
noted an interesting thing about it: It is traditional, I think all of
you would know. I think all of the schoolchildren here kind of wonder how
it is to be the wife of the Vice President and travel around the world
and visit all these cities in the United States. Well, I can tell you that
it is traditional for a bouquet to he presented to the wife, always, and
they're different. Sometimes the bouquets are the flowers of the particular
State which you are visiting. Carnations, for example, are sometimes the
flowers in Colorado, and black-eyed susans in the State of Maryland, and
so on. Usually, however, it's red roses. Well, now, Arkansas - and, as
a matter of fact, Memphis, Tenn., also - had red roses; but you had, it
seemed to me, a very nice touch, and one that I do want to mention. You
had cotton with the roses, and we do appreciate it so much.
I think from now on Pat and I will always
remember our visit to these two cities. We'll remember it for the courtesy
of the crowds, for your graciousness in coming out even when the weather
is bad, but we will remember it because here your bouquets of roses were
different, and they had the red and white as well because of the cotton
which is so typical of this area and which plays such an important part
in the economy, not only of these States, but of all the South and of America,
itself.
I'd like to say, incidentally, too, that coming
into this area, recognizing that there is a tremendous production of cotton
in this particular part of the country, realizing that there are farmers
in this audience and many who will be listening to my voice, it really
is, I can assure you, a great pleasure to be in a farming area where the
farmers, themselves, acting on their own initiative, working in cooperation
with the Government, have worked out a solution for their part of the farm
problem.
I think one of the most exciting stories about
this whole farm problem is what has happened in the cotton program, and,
while it's a technical matter which many of you who are not concerned about
this particular thing from a personal standpoint will not be interested
in, I know from having studied it that here the farmers on their own initiative
have worked out a program in which they have gotten the production in line
with supply, in which they have reduced the surpluses which have hung over
the market, in which they have maintained farm income.
This is certainly acting in the great American
tradition of not simply waiting for Uncle Sam to do something for you,
and certainly the farmers in this area are to be congratulated - and all
over the country, for that matter - for what they have done in working
out this decision as it has existed.
Now, in the time that I have today there are
a great number of issues that I would like to discuss with you. I would
like to say, first of all, that I recognize that, coming into a State like
Arkansas, there are not as many Republicans here as there are Democrats.
We're glad to have some. We realize that the Democrats are in the majority.
Your Governor is a Democrat. Your two Senators are Democrats. All of your
Congressmen are Democrats. However, I think that all of you in this audience
would say that the States like Arkansas, in which, for too many years,
you have had simply, in effect, one party to choose from, need a change.
You need it. I would say even if you were Democrats you would say this,
because the best government is one in which the people do have a choice.
I am glad forth at reason in this State my Republican friends, although
they are in the minority, are attempting to give the people a chance to
have a choice in an election.
That's good for the Democrats, too. It keeps
them on their toes. It is not good for the Republicans, for example, to
be in power without any significant competition, and that's why in this
particular State I'm glad to pay my respects to those Republicans who are
here, and to those who are candidates as well.
But I do realize that, as we look at this
election, it will depend, in this State, as it will in many of the Southern
States - as a matter of fact, as it will in my State of California where
there are a million more Democrats than there are Republicans - the outcome
of this election will depend not only on our getting Republican votes but
on getting Democratic votes as well, and the point I would like for all
of you to consider with me for just a moment, if you will, is: Why is it
that any person who was a Democrat would leave his party and vote for a
Republican candidate for the Presidency?
And some people, for example, have put it
another way. They have said, well, anybody who would vote for a Republican
candidate for the Presidency would he disloyal to his own party if he were
a Democrat. I just want to put it exactly as it is. President Eisenhower
in 1952 and 1956 got millions of Democratic votes throughout the country.
Why? Because those people who were voting
for him, Democratic and Republican, were thinking of America first and
the party second, and that's what we ask you to do today.
We say to all the Democrats and to all the
Republicans here that the issues in this campaign, the question of what
leadership America is to have in these difficult times is too big for an
individual to simply go into that polling booth and, simply because his
father and his grandfather and his great grandfather had voted the party
line, put his stamp there without thinking who the man is or what he stands
for.
This time the people of America are going
to look at the records of the candidates, not ]ust at their party labels.
This time they're going to look beneath the party labels and see whether
or not the label covers the real thing or whether or not the label may
indicate something that isn't beneath it. And in that connection I would
like to say this: I believe that as far as the Democrats in this
State and many throughout the Nation are concerned, if they study the philosophy
of the great Democratic Presidents, Jefferson, Jackson, Wilson, they will
find that those men stood for principles which are reflected - where? -
not in the Democratic platform as adopted in Los Angeles, but more in our
platform as adopted in Chicago.
Putting it another way, I believe that by
what they did in Los Angeles, the national leaders of the Democratic Party
forfeited the right to ask Democrats who were standing for the principles
of their party to support their ticket in this election campaign.
I think that by what they did in Los Angeles
we have a right to come to Democrats as well as Republicans and say, "Listen
to what we have to say. See whether or not our views are more in accord
with your views and those of the other party and the other candidate; and
if you believe this, then support us."
That's the way I present the case to you today.
Does this mean that I agree, that our platform agrees, with everything
that everybody in this State, that all the Democrats and Republicans agree
with? Of course not. You know, as I know, that as far as our platform
is concerned, as well as the Democratic platform, we take positions that
some of you may not approve of.
I mentioned, as I was speaking at Memphis,
the issue of civil rights. It's a terribly difficult issue, a complex issue.
I attended school in the South for 3 years. I know how difficult the issue
is. I know, too, that it isn't just a southern issue. I know that its an
issue in the West where I come from. I know it's a problem in the North.
It's a problem in the East as well. It's a problem of all Americans, and
it's one we've all got to work together to solve. It's one in which I have
very deep convictions, convictions which are carried out in our platform,
and it is one which I want the people of this State to know where I stand.
I know that you will respect me for my convictions. You will respect me
even though you may not agree with them. I express them today particularly
because a man, Mr. Khrushchev, is visiting the United States, and here
this man, this man who has enslaved millions of people, who has slaughtered
thousands of them in the streets of Budapest, comes to the United States
- and what does he do? He points the finger to us and says we are the people
who enslave people; we are the people who deny opportunity.
Now, progress has been made in this field,
but more needs to he made. It needs to be made for reasons that all of
us can understand, but one of the major reasons it needs to be made is
this: I say, as Americans, let's all move forward together, leaving none
behind, so that we can take away any arguments that the real enemy of freedom,
Mr. Khrushchev, can have against the United States and what we stand for
around the world.
Now, what about these issues in which our
platform is more in accord with your thinking, those of you who are Democrats,
as well as my Republican friends here?
I'm just thinking of these children down here.
I'm thinking of what you want for them, what I want for my two girls. It's
all pretty much the same thing.
I remember my dad used to say when we were
growing up that he never wanted to go back to the good old times. He said,
"I remember those good old times," when he used to work for a dollar a
day, and sometimes less, and 14 hours a day, with not even Sundays off.
He said, "In America nobody must ever want to go back. We always want to
go forward. We never want to he satisfied with things as they are, no matter
how good they are."
This is a great country, and all you have
to do to appreciate how great it is is to go somewhere else, to 55 countries,
as Pat and I have, then come back to America to realize what a wonderful
country it is. It has some faults and some weaknesses, but, my friends,
let's never emphasize those weaknesses without emphasizing the things that
are right about the United States as well because they outweigh them tremendously.
But, great as America is, we want a better
life for our children than we had for ourselves. We want better schools,
better housing, better medical care. We want progress, which means, for
them, better jobs with more income. We want to see that all the areas of
this country expand. We want to see our agriculture come forward with our
farmers throughout the country getting a better share, a fair share, of
America's increasing prosperity. In speaking on some of the other crops
in my recent talks in Iowa and in South Dakota I touched these points.
I reiterate them here again today.
The question is: How do we build a better
America? How do we make progress in schools and all these things?
Well, here's where we have the great difference
in philosophy and approach between the Democrats on the one side - I mean
not the Democrats who are in this audience, not the millions who are going
to vote Republican this time at the presidential level, but I mean those
who left the principles of their party and wrote a platform in Los Angeles
- we have a great difference between that platform and what you stand for
and what we stand for.
They say the way to progress, to get the schools
and the housing and the better jobs and everything, is for the Federal
Government to take the primary responsibility. Send the job to Washington.
Spend millions of dollars more. Hire thousands of more people to tell the
people back in the States and the local communities what to do.
Now, here is what we say. We say that it is
tremendously important, tremendously important in this country, for government
to do what needs to be done. We say, for example, that great projects like
TVA, Grand Coulee and others in the western part of the United States can't
be done by individuals and by the States and by the local governments and
that the Federal Government must, therefore, take the leadership in building
these projects because America must move ahead.
But we also say this: When there's a job to
be done, the place to start to see who should do it is not to start with
Washington and work down, but to start with the people and work up to Washington
and get there last.
In other words, look at your Arkansas development
plan. Look at what Winthrop Rockefeller and his people have done here.
They have not simply said, "Washington, please come help us," but they
said, "We're going to help ourselves."
And, so at the local level, individual enterprise,
working with the States and the local government, and then asking the Federal
Government for help when the job is too big to be done at the local or
the State level - that's the difference.
We believe the answer to progress, in other
words, is to expand opportunities for a hundred and eighty million Americans.
We believe the way to greatest progress in America is not to weaken the
States and the local government, but to strengthen the States and the local
government. Whenever the job can be done at the State or the local government
level, it ought to be done there and not sent over to Washington.
Now, I ask the Democrats who are listening
to me: What does this sound like?
This is what you believe, and yet your party
or at least those who control it at the national level completely repudiate
all this.
They no longer believe in this. They have given up on individual enterprise
in many fields. They have lost faith in what the States and local government
and the people can do, and they say that we have to take these problems
to Washington to tell the people what to do.
I don't think that's the way to progress in
America. I think the way to progress is, as I have explained, through getting
the most out of all our various government facilities, but primarily by
getting the most out of the tremendous power that resides in our people.
Now, the last issue I would like to discuss
is the most important of all. It's the future of these young boys down
here, and the girls as well. I know some of you may say, "Now, look, what's
more important than jobs and schools and cotton?"
My answer is: Being around to enjoy the good
jobs and the good schools and the income from the cotton.
On that all that I can say is that I present
to you our record. I present to you our experience and our program, and
I ask for your support on that basis.
First, for the record: There has been a lot
of criticism of President Eisenhower's leadership in the field of foreign
affairs, but, my friends, they pay off on the results, and in 7½
years this is what he has done: He's ended one war; he's kept us out of
other wars, and we have peace without surrender today - and I think the
American people want that and they like it.
Second, as far as the future is concerned,
I would say that we can look at our experience, I cannot talk about mine.
That is your prerogative to judge that, but I can talk about my running
mate's, and I say there's no man in the world today who has had more experience,
who has done a better job of representing the cause of peace and freedom
than Henry Cabot Lodge, our candidate for Vice President, at the United
Nations.
We will work together in this cause, work
together as partners, in keeping the peace without surrender, extending
freedom throughout the world.
How will we do it?
We will do it, first, because both he and
I know Mr. Khrushchev. We know the Communists. We have dealt with them.
We know that you can't treat with them from a position of weakness, whether
it's military or economic or diplomatic. That means America must continue
to be the strongest nation in the world militarily; our economy must continue
to grow so that we are always ahead of them economically. We also must
see that as far as our diplomacy is concerned. we never make a concession
without getting a concession in return.
In that connection, may I say, knowing
these men, the time must never come when any President would consider apologizing
or expressing regrets for attempting to defend the security of the United
States against surprise attack.
We will negotiate, yes, but in negotiating
we will always remember that the men on the other side of the conference
table are not like the other leaders of the free world. These men are men
who understand power. They understand firmness. They have nothing but contempt
for weakness or for gullibility, and this is the kind of leadership we
offer to you in this field.
So, I say to you, finally, today: Judge us
not on the basis of the labels we wear, but on the basis of what's behind
the label. I say look behind the label, be it Republican or Democrat. See
if it is the kind of goods you want to buy. See if it's the kind of good
you think America needs. If you believe it is what America needs, then
I say: Go out and work for us, Democrat, Republican, independent, go out
and work for us as you have never worked before, and we will do something
that Arkansas hasn't done for many, many years. We will see to it that
Arkansas this year joins with other States throughout the Nation in putting
America first, in putting principle first in supporting our ticket because
we stand for those great principles which the majority of the people in
this State and the Nation believe in.
Thank you very much.