This is the first appearance during this campaign
when we've had snow, so to have this wonderful crowd is an indication that,
whether its raining or snowing or the sun is shining, we're going to carry
Pennsylvania this year.
Second, to be introduced by Jimmy Van Zandt
again is always a great pleasure to me. As you know, I'm sure, he and I
have been close friends since the time I came to the Congress in 1946.
He was there before I; and I look to the time when he will have the rightful
position of one of the most important Members in the Congress, not just
as the minority member, but as the chairman of the Joint Committee on Atomic
Energy. This will happen with the election of a Republican Congress, if
we can do that this year.
While I am in Altoona, I want to say just
one other thing of a completely political nature, I say "political" from
the standpoint of our opponents, but from the standpoint of this city and
the people here, of tremendous importance.
Altoona has done one of the most magnificent
jobs of any city in the country - not just waiting for the Federal Government
to come in and help you, but helping yourselves and bringing business into
this area. But there is a job the Federal Government can do. President
Eisenhower has been trying to get the Democratic Congress to do something
about this, and over and over again they have refused.
The only bills they have sent up to him have
been the typical pork-barrel bills that would cost you money and wouldn't
do the job. Now, there is a bill that will do the job. It is one that Jimmy
Van Zandt and Hugh Scott and others have worked out. It is one that I support.
It is one that will produce on the promises that they make, and all that
I can say is: They have had a chance. They have struck out, so it's time
to give us a chance, because, may I say, we're not interested just in an
issue. We are interested in solving this problem, and we will do it.
Certainly, on the record, we can only assume
that their only interest is in an issue, because in every instance when
they have brought their bills up, they wouldn't deal with the specific
problems with which you are concerned to the same extent and with the same
amount that our plans would.
Now the third point that I want to touch upon
is one that will be of interest to everybody in this audience, to every
American throughout this Nation today, and in the years to come. It's more
important than any other issue. It was the issue that Senator Kennedy and
I discussed in our debate last Friday, which some of you heard. On that
occasion I said, and I say again today, that the most important qualification
of the next President of the United States will be: "Does he have the judgment;
does he have the background; does he have the experience to keep the peace
for America and keep it without surrender?"
I submit to you that Cabot Lodge and I, our
team, knows what peace demands. We know those who threaten the peace of
the world. We have dealt with them. You know, and I say, that the American
people today do not and will not take a chance on untried and inexperienced
leadership, when you know you can go the way that we will go in the years
ahead.
I say that by his statements in this campaign
to date that our opponent has, in effect, disqualified himself as one who
could handle this tremendous problem in the years ahead. I'll tell you
why.
Not because of intentions.
There's no question about everybody's wanting
peace. There's no question about everybody being against communism. There's
no question about everybody being against surrender. The point is judgment.
The point is: "How are you going to react when you have the tough decisions?"
How has President Eisenhower kept the peace?
I'll tell you. I know. I have been there. I remember the decision on Lebanon.
I remember the decision on Quemoy and Matsu. I remember all the decisions
in these critical years. A man less wise, a man less firm, could have made
the fatal error that would have resulted in war or surrender.
After having seen what is required, and also
after having been around the world and having seen in the Kremlin the tough,
ruthless men that confront us; my friends, I know we cannot afford to take
a chance on someone who would be inconsistent, someone who would suggest,
as my opponent did, that President Eisenhower could have apologized to
Mr. Khrushchev at Paris - he couldn't do that - someone who would have
sliced off a piece of the free world, someone who would have sliced it
off at Quemoy and Matsu, doing the very thing that resulted in war in Korea
- we can't have a man who would have made that kind of mistake - someone
who would have made the critical error on Cuba that he would have made
in our debate the other day, an error that would have lost us all of our
friends in Latin America. That would have resulted in our prestige falling
throughout the world and would not have solved the problem.
I could go on, but time, of course, is short,
particularly because of the situation in which you find yourselves with
this weather, but I can only sum it up in this way: I don't promise you
that in these years ahead it is going to be easy, because, my friends,
while it would be easy for me to make such a promise, I know what the world
is. I have been to 55 countries. I know what the enemies of peace are up
to, and I know that the best effort of America is needed, not just by our
President, but by you, each and every one of you. It means every American
doing his best for America, so that America can do its best for the world.
You see, these next 4 years are going to determine
whether we have a world of peace, of great progress, one in which we can
wage a winning war on poverty, misery, and disease, because we can do that.
Or it's going to determine whether we have a world in which our children
and grandchildren will grow up in war or surrender or disaster.
It can be a good world. It can be a world
of peace. It can be a world of freedom. I believe this. I have faith. I
have it because I have seen America, and I know how strong our people are.
All of this yakking about America with no sense of purpose; all of this
talk about America being second-rate - I'm tired of it and I don't want
to hear any more talk about it. I have seen the second-rate country, the
Soviet Union, and we want no part of what they have got, and we're not
going to have it.
I say that as long as Americans do have faith
in themselves, if we also have faith in our God, that we will defeat the
atheists, the materialists, and those who oppose peace and freedom throughout
the world, but that is the critical issue, and it is on that basis that
we present our case to you today.
There is one other thought that I would add.
In this world America can be even richer and stronger with better life
for our people than we have had, and we must move forward, and we will.
And all Americans, in all parts of America, must move forward together.
I pledge that. And I pledge it not simply because I am running for President.
I just saw today a man who reminded me of
my father and my own background. My father always used to say when we were
growing up that his youngest brother was the smartest Nixon of them all.
He was speaking of me, too, incidentally, and my brothers when he referred
to him.
Today, in this audience is my uncle, Ernest
Nixon. He's over 75 years of age, but he's the best potato grower in all
of Pennsylvania. And I want to add this: I remember my Dad also used to
say, "I don't want to go back to the good old days. I remember what they
were, and we're never satisfied with things as they are in America."
We want to move forward. We want a better
life for our children than we've had for ourselves and for those who say,
as my opponents do, that I don't care about the people who are unemployed,
that we don't care for the oppressed, that we don't care for those people
who do not have the good things of life. Believe me, they don't know me;
they don't know this country, and they don't know our party, either.
I'm proud to be running on a record. But I'm
also proud to stand for a program that will move America forward, but move
her without robbing you of your savings through inflation and taxes, as
our opponents would do with their program.
I'm also proud to say here today that in 1952,
when I campaigned from this same spot - all of you will remember there
was a mess in Washington. You know what caused it, because there were bosses
who were calling the turn at the White House for the President of the United
States.
I say that if our opponent is elected, we
will go back to boss rule in the White House. I think the people had enough
of it in 1952. They don't want any more of it now, and I can assure you
that if I'm elected, the only bosses I will recognize are the American
people who did elect me on this election day.
So, with thanks again, for your patience,
for coming out and welcoming us, we express our appreciation. I only wish
we had the time to mingle with you, to shake hands, to sign some autographs.
But then, if we did that, and if we stayed too long, some voters might
catch pneumonia and we need every one of you on election day.
So thank you and goodby.