Senator Case, Congressman Frelinghuysen; I
don't know what other Congressmen are here at this time.
Flo Dwyer, are you here?
No.
I want to tell you first how deeply appreciative
Pat and I are that you have stood here so long waiting for us. We've had
a little difficulty in Union County getting through because there have
been tremendous crowds all the way along and we've been stopped several
times. So, I'm sure you will agree that if we were stopped that much
and if we're that late it's for a good cause.
Also behind me on this bandwagon are, I understand,
a great number of people who can't see, but who can hear, and I want them
to know as soon as we finish here we'll walk around on the other side and
see them. You can hear them.
I also want to thank the chairman for arranging
this wonderful tour, all those who have put on the meeting, and my friend,
Jackie Robinson, for keeping people entertained until we got here.
You know, I was just thinking if that series
coming up, the Yankees and the Pirates - it's predicted to be a close one
- Jackie, I wonder if you couldn't help out one of those teams. What do
you think? He said not with his weight.
Well, in any event, I do want to say just
a word to you while we are here with regard to the great issues we are
confronted with in this campaign.
I know that all of you appreciate the fact
that a candidate has a tremendous problem in trying to think of those things
that will be of greatest interest to a group like this because he has very
little time to say it, and I have thought, as I have driven along here
today and thinking of this crowd, that there were about three points that
I would want you to remember particularly. The first one is this: What
should be your test in determining who to vote for for President?
Now, a couple of days ago in Minnesota Senator
Kennedy said that the test should be the party. It would be very easy for
me in this predominantly Republican area to say: "All of you folks who
are Republicans should vote Republican because I am a Republican," as I
am, but I'm going to tell you why I don't say that. I happen to think that
when we elect a President of the United States, particularly in these times
when the President of the United States must not only lead America, but
the whole free world, that it isn't enough simply to vote on the basis
of a party label. I think that what should come first is not the
party but America, and I ask you to vote for America first because of that.
Now, my second point is this: If you're going
to vote for America, what are those things America needs?
And that gets down to you. What do you want?
Well, again, there are a number of issues
that we are all interested in. As I see all these young people around,
you have the same feeling with regard to your children that we have with
regard to ours. We want America always to move forward, and we don't want
anybody left behind.
We want all of our people to have an opportunity
in this country for education, for good jobs, for housing, for health,
all the
things that spell progress, all the things that make America today
as she is - and never forget this - the strongest and the best country
in the world - and we're going to keep her that way in the years ahead.
But, you know, after you consider all these
things, we must also remember that the best jobs, the best medical care,
the finest social security in the world, all these things we want, aren't
going to be worth anything unless we're around to enjoy them.
So, therefore, the first test that you must
apply to the candidates for the Presidency of the United States is this
one, a very stern one: It's which of the two candidates is better qualified,
by experience, by judgment, by background, by program, to keep the peace
without surrender for America and the world and to extend freedom throughout
the world.
Now, talking to that point for a moment, naturally,
you have to assume I'm a little prejudiced on that point, but I want to
point out that my colleague, Cabot Lodge and I, begin with a record, and
you must hold us accountable for that record. For 7½ years we have
been part of the Eisenhower administration. We have sat in the Cabinet,
in the Security Council. We have participated in the discussions leading
to the great decisions on Lebanon, Quemoy, and Matsu, and others with which
you are familiar.
Now, you've heard a lot of criticisms of that
record, but I want to say one thing about it today that all of the criticism
in the world cannot obscure, and that is: The American people will be eternally
grateful to Dwight Eisenhower and his leadership because it got this Nation
out of a war it was in; it's kept us out of other wars; and we do have
peace without surrender today.
Now, I could just stand on that record. I
could say that's good enough. We're part of it. So, elect the men
who made it and helped to make it.
But, my friends, it isn't enough to
stand still today. We're in a competition. We're in a war for survival
with men who are
ruthless, men who are fanatical, men who are unprincipled, who follow
no rules of the game, and in order for America not only to keep her own
freedom, but to extend freedom, in order for us to keep the peace not only
for ourselves, but for others as well, in order for America to stay ahead
in this race for survival, we've got to move ahead. This means - and this
we pledge you - that we've got to keep ourselves stronger militarily than
any potential enemy of peace, and we must ask the American people to pay
whatever price is necessary to do that, and we will. It means that this
country must move forward economically; move forward, as I have indicated
before, with all Americans moving together, and in that connection let
me spell it out just a bit.
We're a very rich country, twice as productive
as the Soviet Union. We have the best system in the world. But, in order
to maintain the advantage that we have we've got to remember that we must
move ahead.
I remember when I was talking to Mr. Khrushchev
in Moscow, he said, "Mr. Vice President, I know you're ahead of us now,
economically, but," he said, "you're not going to stay ahead." he said,
"We're moving faster than you are and we're going to catch you and," he
said, "when we catch you about 7 years from now I'm going to wave and say,
'come along follow us; do as we do or you're going to fall hopelessly behind.'"''
He believes that. Now, he's wrong. He's wrong because his system is wrong.
He's wrong also for a more fundamental reason: Because he underestimates
the will and the determination of 180 million free Americans to make our
system work and to make it the most productive in the world.
And let me say this: In moving ahead, it gives
me an opportunity to say a word about my friend Jackie Robinson. You know,
we often hear of this issue of civil rights discussed in terms of what
we are doing for those who happen to be Negro Americans. In effect, we
are doing this for them, somewhat as if it were a favor. Let's remember
something. As we make American ideals live, we're doing it for America.
As we make the moral and spiritual fiber of this country stronger, we're
strengthening America. We need all Americans working together. We can't
afford to waste the talents of any young prospective scientist or engineer
or lawyer or leader. We've got to see that everybody has a chance in this
country. The world's series starts tomorrow, and I think the best way to
state it is this: We all aren't going to be able to hit home runs, but
everybody in this country is entitled to his chance at bat. I stand for
that, and I'm proud to have the opportunity to say it here after being
introduced by a man who has proved that at bat on the baseball field, writing
for newspapers, and as an American citizen that he's one of the great Americans
of our time - Jackie Robinson.
And, so, we will move America forward. We
will keep her strong militarily. We will be firm diplomatically. Why is
that important? Because again we're dealing with men who are ruthless and
tough, men who don't react like the leaders of the free world. I know Chancellor
Adenauer, Mr. Nehru, Mr. De Gaulle, if you were dealing with them, the
rules would be different. Your conduct would be different. But when you're
concerned with a man like Mr. Khrushchev you must remember that here's
a man fanatically dedicated to conquering the world, who will break every
rule and, therefore, we have to have people who know him who will be just
as firm and as tough as he is who will always be willing to go an extra
mile to negotiate, but who will never make a concession without getting
one in return, and that's what we will do. This will keep the peace without
surrender.
And now the last point that I would make is
this: We want progress for all of you here. I know that, as we consider
the terms of progress, that many of you would say, "Well, when is he going
to start making the promises?"
"I promise to do this and that and the other
thing. The Federal Government is going to solve this problem, that problem,
and others."
And I want to tell you something: I'm apparently
an unusual candidate in that respect. I don't believe that the American
people expect a candidate who tries, in effect, to buy their votes
with their own money. And let me put it this way: I have a program for
schools, for housing, for medical care, for breakthroughs in science that
will produce, in my opinion, the greatest progress we've ever seen. I think
they will produce more progress than my opponent's in every one of those
fields. I think they will produce a better life than his will. But there's
one difference between mine and his, a very grave one, in addition to the
one I have just mentioned. His would cost a lot more. They would cost approximately
$10 billion more. But my point is, it isn't Jack's money he's spending
to keep those promises, but yours, and I say you're entitled to it. And
I say the best government is the government that has us doing everything
we should do in Washington, and spending every dollar that we should for
America's security, but which remembers that the source of our progress
is not what government does primarily, but what government gets 180 million
free Americans to do, remembers that every dollar we spend comes from you,
and, so, I say: I recognize this, and until we have proof that it's needed,
and unless we do, we are going to remember that a dollar on that Federal
budget is one that comes from the family budget, and as you shop in these
stores every housewife here knows exactly what I'm talking about.
And so I say to you: I do promise that in
these years ahead we will have the greatest progress America has had, but
we're going to have it by what Americans all do, and not by turning over
everything to Washington.
I do say we do have the experience, I think,
and the background to keep the peace without surrender. But it requires
on your part keeping America strong in her ideals. And all that I can say
in conclusion is that as you look out over a great crowd like this, as
you realize the time and the energy that it took all of you to come, I
can only say it makes me and it makes Pat very humble in our responsibility.
We have seen the world due to the fact you
gave us the opportunity to serve as Vice President. We've been to 55 countries,
and all you have to do to appreciate this country is to go abroad. It's
a great country. We believe in it. We have faith in its ideals. But, most
of all, we want to see that those ideals are shared with all the world
and if I make one pledge to you it is this: We will stand for what is best
for America, not only here, but abroad. We will stand for peace without
surrender. We will stand for extending freedom and, above all, as we travel
throughout this country, we will remember this crowd on this beautiful
day in this city ,this crowd of people who are putting their trust in us,
and we pledge to you that we won't let you down.
Thank you very much.