Thank you very much.
My friends, Tom Kuchel, my fellow members
of the Cabinet - incidentally, I think you ought to know who they are here.
There is the Attorney General of the United
States - Bill Rogers. Will you stand up, Bill? [Applause.]
And Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
- Arthur Flemming. [Applause.]
I want you to know that this great crowd here
in Fresno is one that will remain in the hearts of Pat and me for all of
our lives because this is the first stop in California on this last swing
and, as I said out at the airport, we feel that we have come to the heart
of California when we came to Fresno County. [Cheers and applause.]
Incidentally, there has beer. a request you
might pull down your signs so the people in back can hear and see a little
better. Would you do that, please?
And also I can see the crowd in the back -
and, my, this crowd is bigger than I thought - way back there.
Can you all hear back there?
Fine.
Now, I want to say, too, that coming to Fresno
and seeing all these signs reminds me of the trips that Pat and I have
made in previous years out through Sanger and Reedley and all the other
towns that we couldn't get to this time - and we thank you for coming not
only from there, but we understand from clear down Bakersfield way, from
Modesto, Merced, and all the way around. This is really a central California
meeting - and, believe me, it means we're on the way in the great Central
Valley, and if we're on the way there it means California all the way on
November 8 for our ticket. [Cheers and applause.]
As you have noticed, I have acquired a little
hoarseness in my voice since I was last here, and that's because - I think
you will be interested to know - I have now traveled to 49 States of this
Union. [Cheers and applause.] That's more States, of course, than you could
have reached in either the '52 or '56 campaign. We didn't have that many
then. On Sunday we go to Alaska. That will mean a campaign that will have
taken us to 50 States of the Union, and I want you to know that there is
no greater inspiration, no more fine experience that you can have than
to go to the States of this Union, from Hawaii to Maine, from Florida to
Minnesota, and then from California to New York, and see crowds like this,
people who will come out, who will stand, all jammed together, as you are,
and listen for a few moments to one of the candidates discuss the issues
of the campaign.
Let me tell you something. We've heard a lot
these days about the things wrong with the United States. We're supposed
to be second in education and second in science and second in space. We
hear that our people have lost their sense of purpose. They're more interested
in tailfins and deodorants than they are in the great national ideals of
this country. Well, let me say this: I'm getting tired of hearing people
run down the United States of America. [Cheers and applause.] My friends,
this isn't a perfect country, but it's the best country in the world. [Cheers
and applause.]
There are things wrong with our education,
but - make no mistake about it - I've seen Soviet education and I've seen
our own and we have the finest schools and our youngsters get the best
education in the world and make no mistake about it, and we can be proud
of that, too. [Cheers and applause.]
And, while in the course of this campaign
it is necessary for candidates to criticize those things that are wrong,
let's not lose our sense of proportion. Let's remember that the American
people are a people who throughout their history have stood for great ideals,
and don't think the strength of idealism ever has run stronger than it
is today, and I say that because I have never seen crowds larger than I
have seen in every State that we have visited.
What does this mean ? It means that you people
care. It means that Democrats, Republicans and independents aren't just
going to vote the way their party label may tell them. They aren't going
to vote just the way their fathers and grandfathers did. They may, but
they want to hear for themselves; they want to decide for themselves; and
if you do that, it's going to be good for America, and the American people
are all right, in my opinion. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, there's a great tradition in the State
of California, as you all know, a tradition which makes it very hard for
other States to understand us, a tradition where we vote for the man rather
than the party. Its always been the case out here. It's been the case in
1950; 48 years before that. We will find Republicans voting for Democrats
and Democrats voting for Republicans, and people in the East and the West
and the South throw up their hands and they say: What's the matter with
the folks out there in California? Well, strangely enough, I find that
that same attitude is developing all over the country today, and I know
why. The reason is that the people of America realize that this year, 1960,
the issues are so important - it is so essential that America elect the
men who can best keep the peace; keep it without surrender, the men who
can move America forward, and move her forward in the way that will be
most effective for all of us - that they say we can't just vote according
to party labels. We've got to think of what is best for America first,
rather than party first, and that is what we ask you to do in this election
campaign. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, if you will think for just a moment with
me, look to the future of America. What are the things that we think of
and that we want? Well, I was thinking, as I looked at all these wonderful
high school bands over here and as I was seeing Leo Carillo again introducing
Tom Kuchel and Tom introducing me, of what had happened in the State of
California alone from the time that Leo and his grandparents and the like,
who are original Californians, came here, and even from the time my parents
came here. Ours has had the most fabulous progress of any State in the
Union, and I think the reason for that has been that the people who came
to California were people that were never satisfied with things as they
are. They came out here because they were on the go. They wanted a better
life. They wanted to build a better life for their children than they had
for themselves.
I remember my father always used to say that
to the five of us, the five boys in our family, when we were growing up.
He never used to say: I want to go back to the good old days. And he never
used to say: Look, you're pretty lucky to have it as good as you have it
today. He always used to say in America we want a better life for our children
than we have had for ourselves - and that's what we want, and that's what
we're going to get, but we're going to get in, in my opinion, by building
on the tremendous progress we have had under Dwight D. Eisenhower. [Cheers
and applause.]
Now, here's where you come to a fundamental
choice. You see, my opponent says America has been standing still for the
last 7½ years; hasn't moved of the dime, and now we've got to get
her going again. Now, look here - look around Fresno County. You've had
the most fantastic growth in the last 7½ years of any area in the
country, and why did it happen? It happened because you had an administration
in Washington which encouraged individuals to get out and make their contributions
to progress in this county and in this State, and I say, my friends, we
do not want to stop those policies, but we want to build on them and to
see that we continue that growth rather than to stop it, and I think that,
as I carne here on the 75th anniversary of Fresno, was the spirit of that
city then. It's the spirit of this crowd here, and I call assure you that
America knows that we have been moving forward and we do not want to go
back to the policies we left when Dwight Eisenhower became President in
1953. [Cheers and applause.]
That means, then, that we will move forward
in education. We will move forward in health. We will move forward in our
reclamation projects. We will move forward in the next 4 years, even more
thin we have in the last 4. Why? Because we have a better start. Because
we have a broader base on which to build. Because we have programs in all
of these fields, programs that will move America forward, and move her
in a, far more effective way than will our opponents. [Cheers and applause.]
Why do I say that? I say that for this reason.
You know, many times people ask me: "Mr. Nixon, why don't you go around
and do what your opponent does? Why don't you just promise the people everything,
promise that you will go around and if there is a problem, the Federal
Government is going to solve it; if there is a problem, the Federal Government
is going to spend some money?"
I could do that - and let's get one thing
straight right now. There's one thing we can agree upon. My opponent will
spend $15 billion a year more than I would spend as President of the United
States, but let me tell you something: It isn't his money, but yours he's
going to spend. [Cheers and applause.]
Now let me put it this way; It would be very
easy for me, its a candidate, to come before an audience like this and
say: "For every problem, you don't have to worry about a thing, I'm going
to hand it in Washington. We're going to spend some money, I want to win
this election." Why don't I say it? I'll tell you why. Because I know it
isn't right. Because I know it would be the wrong thing for the American
people. Because I know that it would rob, for example, our wage earners.
Rob them how? If we spent $15 billion a year more paying off the promises
that our opponents have offered in this campaign, it means that we raise
prices and raise taxes for all of the American people.
I ask you, those of you who shop in this shopping
center: Do you want to have your prices increased? Can you take it? [Cries
of "No!"]
What about your budget? Let me ask you, particularly
those of you who are older here, living on social security, living on pensions
or planning to: Do you want the value of your dollars cut in half?
That happened once. It happened in the 7 Truman
years.
My friends, we cannot let that happen now,
and I'll tell you why we aren't going to let it happen. Because the American
people aren't getting fooled. Let me put it this way: You know what my
opponent's programs sound like? Remember the old days, they had the medicine
man who came to town. [Laughter.] And, you know, he had a cure-all, a cure-all
for everything. He'd say - It's the same thing, of course, in each bottle;
just put a different label on it, but he'd pass it out, and, you know,
it would work pretty well. He'd take the people's money and give them that
cure-all, for any aches or pains, pneumonia, or chilblains, anything they
might have, and he got away with it for a while, but pretty soon he had
to get out of town before the people found out these remedies didn't work.
And that's exactly what the situation is here. The American people are
being offered a cure-all. It will cost them $15 billion a year. It will
increase their taxes. It will increase their prices. It will poison their
economy. Therefore, it's the kind of cure-all which certainly they don't
want, and they don't want to buy, and it will be bad for them.
But in this instance, let me say this: It
isn't going to work, and I'll tell you why. Because, you see, Mr. Kennedy
started a little too soon. He started a little to soon, and the people
have caught up with it and before he gets out of town, they're going to
vote, and they're going to vote him down, on November the 8th. [Cheers
and applause.]
So, in this field, I say the way to progress
- the way to progress is the way we offer. It's an honest way. It's a way
where we say: Yes, the Federal Government has responsibilities in reclamation,
in education, in health for the aged, in social security, but, no, we do
not go along with the kind of a program where we promise everything to
everybody and then say: "You pay the bill." We say that every dollar
should be spent in Washington that needs to be spent; but that not one
dollar of your money will be spent that we don't need, because you need
it back here more than we need it there. That's what you need. [Cheers
and applause.]
Now one other point I will mention: We think
also of the future of our children and of ourselves in another sense. This
is the most important issue of all. It's the issue of whether we're going
to be around to enjoy our social security, our good wages, our housing,
all these other things we want.
My friends, there is no question but that
the next President will carry the greatest load on his shoulders of responsibility
of any President in history, even greater than Lincoln or Eisenhower or
Wilson or Roosevelt, the war Presidents.
I say that because now the struggle for the
world is reaching a great climax, and it will take leadership, leadership
that will be very wise, leadership that must be firm, leadership that must
be experienced, to avoid war on the one side, or surrender on the other
for America and the free world.
I know this. I know it because I have seen
the world. I have been to 55 countries. I have seen these great forces
of slavery headed by communism on the one side clash with freedom headed
by our Nation and our allies on the other.
I have seen it in the Soviet Union. I have
had Mr. Khrushchev shake his fist right under my chin and say: "We're going
to beat you." He said: "We've got more missiles than you have." He said:
"We're going to beat you because we're going to overtake you economically.
Our system is better."
He believes this. He's going to work for it.
He's fanatical and ruthless. So I say to you today - and I'm not indicating
to you on this score what my qualifications are: I will only say - that
I know that in making your decision, remember that man you select will
make decisions that will determine the life of this world, not just America.
So, what do we do about it in that respect? I think, first, we have got
to look at the two men on our side and the two on the other side.
Cabot Lodge and I both know the problem. For
7½ years we have worked with and understand the President. For 7½
years we have participated in the great decisions, and we both know Mr.
Khrushchev.
I think I can honestly say and objectively
say that we have not been taken in by him, and I don't think we ever will
be, because we know the kind of a man he is.
As far as my opponent is concerned, you have
heard him talk and you will recall in this very campaign on three crucial
issues, he disagreed with the President. He criticized the President. He
disagreed with him on Quemoy and Matsu. He said that the President made
a mistake, in effect, in not following his and the advice of a few other
Senators, a minority, fortunately, who said that we should draw a line,
as we did on Korea, and say to the Communists: "Come and get these little
islands of freedom," with the assumption if they came and got them, there
would be peace and no war. But the President refused, because he knew that
would lead to war, and the President was right, and he was wrong.
And then again at the summit conference, you
recall the President refusing to apologize to Khrushchev for defending
this country through the U-2 flights from surprise attack, Senator Kennedy
suggesting that he could have apologized. Again Senator Kennedy was wrong,
and the President was right, because no President can ever apologize for
defending this country against surprise attack. [Cheers and applause.]
And then on Cuba, the third point, you recall
our fourth debate, Senator Kennedy saying we weren't doing enough with
regard to Cuba, overlooking the fact that he was advocating a policy of
direct Federal Government aid to rebel forces in Cuba which would have
invited the Communists in, which would have resulted in a war that would
have decimated that land and probably set off a world war. Here again he
was wrong. The President was right.
And on all three of these issues he changed
his mind, I admit, but remember: When you're President, you don't get a
second chance.
I remember the time the President went into
Lebanon, for example. I remember the 10 great decisions he made during
the course of this administration in which, if they had been wrong it might
have meant war or surrender, but on the day he went into Lebanon, he paced
the floor - it was early Monday morning - and finally he turned and said:
"We'll go in." He knew that it risked war, to send our people in there,
but he knew that we were certain to have war or surrender if we didn't
stop the Communists there.
My friends, if these same mistakes had been
made by a man who was President, it would leave been disastrous for us,
for the free world - and I say tonight to you here - I say, that the United
States, the people of thus country, cannot afford to use the White House
as a training school to give a man experience at the expense of the United
States. [Cheers and applause.]
Do I tell you, then, that if we're elected
there are no problems in the world?
No. There are going to be problems. But I
do say this: I do say that, as I stand here, I have confidence, that America
is strong enough in its will, that we have the productive capacity, that
we have the spirit, which will enable us to meet our destiny in this critical
period.
I feel this. It's a question of faith. It's
a question which I leave answered on the basis of what I have seen abroad
and on the basis of what I have seen in America, and I can only say to
you that if the people of this State again give me their support, as they
have in the past, that I will, of course, try, as I always leave, to serve
you; but, above everything else, I will remember that the greatest responsibility
that I have is to people like yourselves, people who have this country's
interest deep in your hearts, people who are trying not only to make America
a better place in which to live, but people who care about the problems
of other people around the world.
It is this spirit, this spirit that we have,
this idealism, which is inherent in the American character, that will make
this great age of the sixties, the greatest in our history.
And I ,want you to know, inspired by your
presence, inspired by your support, I just hope that we will never let
you down; and I assure you that we will not.
Thank you.