Thank you, Senator Hughes. You know, I wish
she could make this speech.
Senator Hughes, Governor Rockefeller, Senator
Keating, Congressman Riehlman, all of the distinguished guests here on
the platform and this great audience here in Syracuse: I don't know of
a better way to start our last campaign trip in the great State of New
York than with this tremendous rally in Syracuse, and we thank you for
coming out, as you have. [Cheers and applause.]
It occurred to me as we were flying in that
this was a very difficult time for a rally, right in the dusk of the evening,
at a time when you were finishing your shopping or your jobs and on the
way home to supper, but certainly to see this great turnout indicates your
enthusiasm, your interest and that you're going to fight through to victory
in this county and in this State in November. [Cheers and applause.]
And before I go into some of the issues, I
wish to discuss today, I want to say, first, that it is always a pleasure
to be in this city, but particularly it gives me an opportunity to speak
for those running for office from this area on our ticket.
They are a splendid group of candidates, and
Walter Riehlman, who has served in the Congress with me for so many years
and his colleagues on the State ticket are men who certainly justify your
every support, and I am happy to give it, whatever my support is worth
to them, on this occasion. [Cheers and applause.]
Governor, while you and Ken Keating are not
running, I'm always delighted to appear on the platform here in New York,
and we're going to travel through this State as we work for victory this
November. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, I want to tell you just a word about
this day today, because it is a tremendously important day.
This is a day when we are 1 week away from
the election. This is the day when we are beginning to get down in that
homestretch when the undecided voters are making up their minds as to how
they will vote on November the 8th, and this is a day, therefore, that's
tremendously important in terms of public sentiment, crowds and the like,
and I can tell you that up to this time, and including this time, we've
never had a better day of campaigning than we have had today in Pennsylvania
and in New York. [Cheers and applause.]
A record crowd in Lancaster, in the city square;
a record crowd at Erie Airport, where it was twice as large as our opponent
had there just 2 weeks ago; and now a great [cheers and applause] - and
now a great crowd here. And there's a reason for all of this. The reason
is that a great tide has been running, running our way for the past 10
days. It's been running our way because the people of America are beginning
to understand what the choice is. They are beginning to understand what
they will be deciding on election day. They are beginning to understand
whether we are going to move forward, expanding on the tremendous progress
we've had in the past 8 years, whether we're going to move forward, not
only keeping the peace, but extending freedom throughout the world; or
whether we're going to turn back to policies that we left in 1953 and left
them for good, I hope, and I think the American people [cheers and applause]
And, my friends, every place I have been,
traveling on the train through Pennsylvania and Ohio, in Michigan and in
Illinois, the heartland of this country, traveling through Pennsylvania
again today, and New Jersey yesterday, I see these tremendous crowds. I
see this great enthusiasm, and I know why it is. It is not for me, as an
individual, or for my running mate, Cabot Lodge. It is not, just simply
for the party which we are proud to be representing, but it is for the
principles for which we stand. It's for the kind of leadership which we
give, and it's also because people are not only for what we are for, but
they are against what our opponents are trying to foist off on the American
people as new programs for the American people: [Cheers and applause.]
Now, what is that choice? And I turn first
to their program, and then I turn to ours.
And in theirs, there is one I want to nail
here, as I have nailed it in Erie and in Lancaster. I noted on my information
sheet as I came to each of these three cities that when my opponent was
traveling through these areas, he said, and I quote - he said, "The Republicans
have always opposed social security." He knows that's a barefaced lie,
and I say it right here today. [Cheers and applause.]
He knows, as a Member of the House and the
Senate, that he has voted, voted for the very proposals in the field of
social security that have added 12 million to the rolls under President
Eisenhower, that have expanded the coverage, that have raised the amounts
of social security. He knows that social security has never had a better
friend than the Eisenhower administration, and it will never have a better
friend than the Nixon administration in the next 4 years as well. You can
be sure of that. [Cheers and applause.]
And to hold up to the people of this country
on social security this specter that we oppose it and, therefore, would
take it away - this is irresponsible, it's despicable, and the American
people are going to show what they think of it on election day, as this
kind of lie is nailed, as it should be, where it was made right here in
this city of Syracuse. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, let me turn to a problem very close to
the hearts of every one in this audience. Incidentally, before I go on,
the suggestion was made that your signs go down so the people could see
in back. Just pull your signs down, please, so the people in the back can
see. Thank you.
Now, the second point that I want to make:
In this great crowd are literally thousands of people who have been shopping
today. What will you be deciding on election day, among many other things?
I'm going to tell you, and this is going to be hard for you to believe,
but it is the truth - the truth, mark my word - and look at the record
to back it up. You will be voting as to what your prices are going to be
in the years ahead, and if you should vote or if this election should turn
out that our opponent will win, it will mean you will have voted to raise
your food prices 25 percent here in Syracuse. What does that mean? It means,
for example - and I grew up in a grocery store - I know what I'm talking
about on this subject - it means that the price of a quart of milk will
have to go ap 4 cents. It means the price of a loaf of bread will go up
2 cents. It means the price of a dozen eggs will go up 22 cents. It means
the price of a pound of butter will go up 28 cents, and the same for a
chicken.
Now, why do I mention these things which seem
so mundane in the midst of a great presidential campaign? Because there
is a farm program, a farm program which is the most radical one which even
Henry Wallace said was so radical that it was turned down during the administration
in which he was a part, a farm program which will not help the farmer,
because it will cut his acreage and, thereby, in the end, drive a million
farmers from the farm, but it is one which not I, but the career employees
of the Department of Agriculture have priced out and, my friends, can you
afford - do you want to vote for - a 25-percent increase in your grocery
bill? [Cries of "No."]
And I say that is the answer of millions of
Americans, including the farmers of America, because they, too, go to the
grocery store. They, too, know that this is simply trying to buy their
votes, and buy them at the same time of putting money in one pocket and
taking more out of the other. This is an example of the kind of programs
we have, and let me go further. You also are voting to raise your taxes
and to raise your prices in another way. Fifteen billion dollars a year
will be added to the Federal budget each year if my opponent is elected
and keeps his platform promises - $15 billion a year.
Now, in that connection, just to be completely
fair, I want to point out that when he was in the State of New York a couple
of days ago, he said that he was for a balanced budget and that he was
against raising taxes, and he was for his program as far as it was adopted
as the Democratic platform.
Now, my friends, anybody who says he's for
a platform that will add $15 billion a year to the Federal budget, is against
raising taxes to pay for it, and is for a balanced budget - these three
things at the same time - isn't certainly qualified to be President, because
he doesn't understand simple high school economics. [Cheers and applause.]
So, the question is: What part of the platform
does he give up? Is he going to give up his farm program or his veterans'
program or his education program or his health program, or he should tell
the American people what taxes he's going to add.
Why do I mention these things? I mention them,
my friends, so you can see the choice. The choice is this, and I know whereof
I speak: This is the most radical increase in spending ever offered by
a candidate for the Presidency in history - $15 billion a year. It means
higher taxes. It means higher prices. There isn't anyway you can do it
with mirrors. I know this. He knows it, and the American people are going
to show they know it by voting against that kind of a program and for a
program that will produce real progress, but produce it without inflation
- and that's what we offer to the American people in this election campaign.
[Cheers and applause.]
And what is our program? A program that will
build more schools, a program that will build more hospitals, a program
that will expand this economy and job opportunities for America, a program
in all the fields of social welfare, as I have enunciated them one after
another during the course of this campaign, a program which will move America
forward, but, my friends, which will move America forward without robbing
the people on pensions, without robbing the people who are on social security,
without robbing the housewives who are trying to make the budget balance.
This is the way to progress, and this is what America wants, and I can
assure you this is what we will provide, and this is what we ask for in
this campaign - the greatest progress that America can produce, but progress
that is real, not unreal, progress that is responsible, progress in which
we don't try to fool the people by saying, Look, we promise you this, but
you don't have to pay for it, because, remember, it's not my money or his
money, but yours. I know this, and our programs - why will they do the
job, and do them with less of your money than his? And I'll tell you why.
Because, my friends, we don't say that the answer to a problem every time
is simply to lose faith in the people, not to leave the job to the individual,
turn it over to the Federal Government, spend more money. We say the Federal
Government has a responsibility to do those things that the States and
individuals won't do, but we say the way to progress in this country primarily
is for the Federal Government to encourage every individual to do whatever
he can do to increase the productivity of this country, and that's what
our programs do. [Cheers and applause.]
And now, if I might turn to one other point,
I've been talking about domestic issues up to this point. I now want to
talk about the issue which Governor Rockefeller and Ken Keating will tell
you, as they have told the people of New York many times in introducing
me in my trips to this State, is more important than all the rest. It is
the issue of survival of the Nation. It is the issue of peace without surrender.
It is the issue of the survival of freedom. It's the issue of the survival
of freedom not only for us, but the extension of freedom throughout the
world.
All these things sound so far away sometimes,
here in Syracuse, or in Erie or in Lancaster, but, my friends, we can have
the best social security and the best housing and the best jobs and it
will make no difference if statesmanship fails to avoid the next war.
It must not happen. It will not happen, and
Cabot Lodge and I believe we have the kind of leadership that will avoid
it happening, ass President Eisenhower has avoided it happening. [Cheers
and applause.]
Do I say it's going to be easy? Certainly
not. It's going to mean that we're going to have to keep this country of
ours strong. It seems that we're going to have to spend more for defense
than we've been spending to meet the critical period that we have ahead
of us. It means that we're going to have to be firm in our diplomacy. It
seems that we're not going to be knocked off balance every time the Communists
try to provoke us any place around the world. It means, in addition to
that, that we not try just to hold the line, but that we try to extend
freedom throughout the world, that we launch a great offensive for freedom,
launch it not only through the United Nations, through the Organization
of American States, but through developing new instruments of freedom in
which freemen will sit down and work together, work together to resist
communism; but, more than that, work together to produce progress and produce
freedom for all the world.
This is what we ask to work for - and I say
we have something to offer in the way of credentials. For 7 years we have
sat in the high councils of this administration. We have been through the
fire of decision. We have participated in the discussions on Lebanon and
Quemoy and Matsu and Trieste and all the rest, discussions that did avoid
war on the one side and surrender on the other. We believe that at least
we know what the problem is. We both know Mr. Khrushchev. We have never
been fooled by him, and, knowing him, we can assure you that we will see
to it that America will avoid, on the one side, the belligerency that could
lead to war, and, on the other side, the weakness diplomatically that could
lead to surrender.
These are the things we offer to the American
people on our side. [Cheers and applause.]
Now, let's take a quick look at what are the
credentials of our opponent. He says we need a new program. He says this
has been a period of retreat and defeat, these last 7 years. He's just
wrong about the administration. That's all. He meant the Truman administration,
when we had the greatest defeat and retreat [cheers and applause] - an
administration in which 600 million people went behind the Iron Curtain,
an administration in which we became involved in a war which President
Eisenhower ended.
No. I can say we know we have moved forward,
and now the question is: Are we going to change direction? Are we going
to risk the peace which we have earned? Are we going to risk the freedom
which we have maintained? Are we going to risk it in the hands of one who
three times in this very campaign has indicated that he would have made
decisions during the hour of decision that would have been wrong for America,
disastrous for the cause of peace and freedom - Quemoy and Matsu, the decision
the President made in 1955 was right, right because he avoided the error
that led to Korea, avoided taking the advice of men like Senator Kennedy
who said, "Cut of a little freedom; give it to the Communists, and then
we won't have a war." But the President knew that's what we tried with
Korea, and it led to war, and we didn't do it, and I assure you we will
never try to buy that kind of - certainly that kind of support in the event
that we are dealing with the Communists, because we know that the moment
that you make a concession without getting one in return, it does not lead
to peace; it leads to surrender or war.
And then again at the summit conference -
what would he have done if he were there? Well, you know what he said.
He criticized the President. The President refused to apologize and express
regrets to Khrushchev. He said he could have. My friends this isn't Just
a moot question. What if he had been President and done this
And then Cuba, where all the newspapers in
this country and in this continent, interpreted his remarks on Cuba to
indicate intervention by the Government in that country, which would have
brought disastrous consequences, lose our friends in America, lose our
friends throughout the world, and invited the very Communists to come into
this country that we do not want - all these things.
My friends, three times he's had a chance.
Three times he's shot from the hip. Three times he's been wrong.
But somebody says, "But, Mr. Nixon, he's changed
his mind. He now says he's for the President. He now says he agrees with
the President on Quemoy, that he didn't really mean the President should
have apologized, and that as far as Cuba was concerned, he always meant
all the time he was really for what the President was, and that is standing
morally for the right of people to be free." But, my friends, just let
me say this one last thing: When you're a candidate, you can make a mistake
and you can correct it the neat day. When you're President and you make
a mistake, it's for keeps.
I was there when we went into Lebanon. I remember
the President pacing the floor. He knew that if he sent the troops in,
it might risk war; but he knew if he didn't act that it would mean that
communism would sweep through the Middle East and that it would not only
risk war, it would inevitably bring it. And, so, he decided, he turned,
he said, in the early hours of Monday morning. We've got to go in. The
decision was right, just like so many he has made. But it was made after
he thought. It was not made on the basis of simply shooting from the hip,
and I say today that in this critical period we cannot afford to use the
White House as a training school for a man who's trying to gain experience
at the expense of the American people. [Cheers and applause.]
There is your choice - experienced leadership,
leadership that does not promise you, and I would never promise that life
is going to be easy, that there are going to be no problems, but leadership
that welcomes the challenge of these great times, leadership that says
that America now comes into its period of its greatest destiny, and that
we're going to meet it, and that we're going to lead the world to peace,
without surrender, to freedom, without war.
This is the true crusade we ask you to join,
and this is what we ask you to support, and we thank you for coming out
and starting us as you have tonight.
Thank you.