Producer: Chet Hagan.
Director: Bob Priaulx.
Correspondents: McGee, Vanocur, Kaplow, Abernethy, and Ryan.

     Senator KENNEDY. * * * The theme of this campaign is going to be action, action here at home to keep peace with the growing needs of an expanding country, and action abroad to meet the challenge of our adversaries. I believe the American people elect a President to act. He is the only one who can speak for the people of the United States
     Mr. NIXON. * * * And I say to all of you today, whether you are a Republican or a Democrat, don't just vote your party line, consider the candidates. Consider their experience; consider their backgrounds; consider where they stand on the great issues; and vote for them on the basis of which candidate you feel can best provide the leadership that America and the free world needs in the critical years of the sixties.

     ANNOUNCER. This is "The Campaign and the Candidates" presented by * * *¹ in association with NBC News.

    Mr. MCGEE. It's 9:30 here in New York, Saturday, September 17. In Greenville, N.C., today Senator John Kennedy said: "Our responsibility is to be the chief defender of freedom at a time when freedom is under attack all over the globe." And at Des Moines, Iowa, today, Vice President Nixon said: "We have had peace without surrender for 7½ years. That's the best answer to what the critics have to say."
     Good evening, I'm Frank McGee, NBC News, and tonight marks the end of the first week of the 1960 presidential campaign in which both Senator Kennedy and Vice President Nixon were in the field.
     And this is the first in a series of special reports that NBC News will present on "The Campaign and the Candidates." There will be seven more, covering each of the 7 weeks remaining before the election. Some will be devoted to the candidates and their wives, and others will be devoted to their campaign.
     Our purpose is to help you become more fully acquainted with two men, one of whom you will make the next President of the United States. We will not consciously help or hinder either as he seeks to convince you that he should be chosen for this immense responsibility. On any matter where we feel an expression of our opinion is in order, such an expression will be clearly labeled as our own opinion.
     Since September 1, Kennedy has covered - including Alaska - 17 States. [Beat.] Nixon has covered 16. Thus each begins a redemption of his pledge to conduct a hard-driving campaign.
     (ET music: "State Occasions" in under McGee.)
     (McGee over rigors.)
     (Music up for 0.05 second.)
     McGEE. Kennedy moved out from his summer home at Hyannis Port, Mass. He left behind his wife, Jacqueline, who is expecting another child in November, and his 2-year-old daughter, Caroline. Kennedy, who has said of the campaign for the Presidency, "The most important ingredient is a willingness to submit yourself to long, long, long, labor," soon showed what he meant.
     Traveling and speaking 18 hours a day, his voice soon developed a raspiness, and a voice expert was added to his traveling staff.
     In Alaska, Kennedy lashed out at what he called the Republican policy of "no new starts" on power projects; said if Russia owned Alaska, dams would be going up on her powerful rivers.
     The crowd liked it; gave Kennedy a cabbage - and a problem. What do you do with a cabbage on a campaign? Or, for that matter, how do you relate the Alamo to current world conditions ? Kennedy found a way out, and soon developed a practice of throwing away his prepared speeches and talking off the cuff. His listeners liked it; his speechwriters did not.
     Kennedy made his first "whistlestop" effort in California, drew larger crowds than expected, seemed to respond in ratio to the size of the crowd, and his campaign managers set about busily reworking his schedule to include more and longer whistlestops.
     Well, at the moment Nixon hoped to begin his first hard drive, he was hospitalized with a knee infection, and one of his first visitors was New York's Governor Rockefeller. Another visitor in the course of his 11-day confinement was President Eisenhower. Nixon has said of political campaigns: "The real difference is generally determined by which of two individuals works harder and longer." He was soon to show what he meant, also. Fringes of Hurricane Donna were drenching Friendship Airport at Baltimore when Nixon moved out to begin a gruelling 9,000-mile swing through 14 States.
     (Music up to shot of Indiana Capitol.)
     McGEE. Like Kennedy, Nixon soon had made it clear he would relegate domestic issues to second place and stress, instead, America's position in international affairs. And, again like Nixon, Kennedy and Nixon both drew larger crowds than expected, which would indicate that Americans are far more deeply concerned with public affairs and the choice of their President than many dopesters had thought.
     In San Francisco Nixon stood in for President Eisenhower at the dedication of the SS Hope - to carry medical aid to underdeveloped countries.
     His remarks here were generally nonpartisan, but elsewhere he developed the theme that experience had best qualified him and his running mate to deal with Russia. While stressing this, he also characterized Democratic charges that America's prestige has fallen in the world as "the politics of despair."
     The great issue, he said again and again, is which candidate can "keep peace for America and extend freedom throughout the world."
     Thus, at the very outset of the intensive campaigning, both candidates seemed agreed on the subjects that should be debated by them.
     And as much as another outside force would permit, they have debated these, and that report is coming up.

     Mr. McGEE. There seems little question that the great body of American voters are disturbed, to one degree or another, by conditions in the world more than conditions in the United States.
     So it's no longer a question of whether the United States should become or remain involved in the affairs of the world, but what we are doing, or failing to do, to bring about conditions beyond our border that will strengthen our security at home.
     This matter, which can perhaps best be called the issue of national security, embraces foreign affairs - or our relations with nations that are friendly, unfriendly, or uncommitted; and defense - our capacity for providing military protection for ourselves and our friends. It is on this question that the sharpest divisions have occurred between Nixon and Kennedy.

     Mr. NIXON. * * * Today, we can say, categorically, and we can say proudly, that the United States is first in the world militarily, economically, scientifically, and educationally; and we have the will and the determination to maintain that position in the years ahead. * * *
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * The facts of the matter are that we are falling behind in our rate of growth. The missile lag looms larger. Our Army and Marine: Corps lack manpower and airlifts.
     Mr. NIXON. * * * I have traveled the world with my wife, Pat, to 55 countries, and I have seen in the faces of millions of people around this world, I have seen in their faces a desire for peace - we're on the right side there - and a desire for freedom in Poland and even in the Soviet Union - we're on the right side there.
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * They say he has traveled abroad. He has. In Vietnam he urged the French to continue to fight. On Formosa, he implied our support of an invasion of the mainland of China. In India, he questions Nehru's right to be neutral. In Venezuela, his goodwill tour provoked a riot. * * *
     Mr. NIXON. * * * I know Mr. Khrushchev, and I know that when you're dealing with a man like this that, when he engages in the kind of activities he does, the wrong thing to do is to make concessions to him because those concessions will never satisfy him, they will only lead to him demanding more. * * *
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * He argued with Mr. Khrushchev in the kitchen, it is true, pointing out that, while we may be behind in space, we were ahead in color television.
     Mr. NIXON. * * * Freedom, and not communism, is the way of the future. An idealism which will be confident in America's strength, that will never buy a false doctrine that America is second rate in anything - and we are not in the world today. * * *
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * Why should we look pallid and tired, while the Soviet Union, whose system of government is hostile to all the aspirations of human personality, should look progressive and new and attract the intelligentsia and the students? It is our fault, it is our fault that we are missing our chance in this great watershed of history. * * *

     MCGEE. To illustrate their positions in this larger debate, both candidates turned to Cuba as a case in point, each feeling that events there bore out his own argument - first Kennedy, and then Nixon.

     Senator KENNEDY. * * * Let me say that I am critical of this administration for its policy toward Castro in its early days and its policy towards Batista's dictatorship in the last days. I don't take the view that the only alternative to a dictator is a Communist dictator. If the United States had used its influence, and at that time the United States was extremely powerful in Cuba, it seems to me we could have persuaded Mr. Batista to hold free elections at the time he was ready to go and permit the Cuban people to make their choice, instead of permitting Castro to seize power through revolution. So I am very critical of that phase of American policy. * * *
     Mr. NIXON. * * * I believe that, at the present time, the economic actions that we have taken, the fact that we are working successfully in developing support among - the other American Republicans - Republics, for a position which is critical of the Castro regime, I think these two steps are in the right direction. *
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * It was not until our relations with Castro had become strained to the breaking point that this administration proposed to the Congress a program for Latin America, 8 years too late. * * *
     Mr. NIXON. * * * I know that there are many who suggest that the United States should take - should use a much stronger hand economically, politically - even to the extent, as some have suggested, of sending in military forces and the like, and the - the difficulty with those procedures are that they would be counter-productive in the long run at this time. * * *

     MCGEE. Now, in the early phases of the campaign, a domestic issue touched on frequently by the candidates was "civil rights." And this, too, was related to national security, since each feels that America's strength in the world is diluted by discrimination against minorities at home. Now, since there is a difference in the speaking style and the emphasis in what you are about to hear, it's important in being fair to the candidates that you know that Kennedy spoke at a press conference in Washington, and Nixon spoke to a political gathering in Birmingham, Ala.

     Senator KENNEDY. * * * If the Republican administration were sincere about its pleas for civil rights, it could take Executive action now - Executive action to end inequality in all Federal housing programs as the Civil Rights Commission unanimously proposed a year ago, and which the President could do by a stroke of his pen, and Executive action to make effective the Government Contracts Committee which, for the 7 years of Mr. Nixon's chairmanship, has taken no enforcement action aside from one or two threats in the District of Columbia. * *
     Mr. NIXON. * * * You know my position on that issue. I expressed it again when I was in Greensboro just last week. It is a position of conviction. It is one that I will only mention at this time to this extent by saying that I recognize that this is not just a southern problem, that it is a problem in my State of California and in New York and in all the States of the Union as well. It isn't going to be solved by demagogery, but it's going to be solved by men and women of good will, sitting down and working out these complex problems, and I would hope that the next President of the United States, whoever he may be, will be able to give the kind of leadership that will make solutions and make progress in this field - in the American tradition. * * *

     MCGEE. Now, a few moments ago, we said both candidates seemed to agree on the subjects they should debate in the campaign - the issues - and, to the extent that an outside force would permit, they had debated these.
     Well, this week that force, Senator John Kennedy's Roman Catholic faith, rose to dominate, and at times, obscure all other issues. And that report is coming up.

     MCGEE. In the first real week of the campaign Senator John Kennedy's Roman Catholic faith assumed such proportions that both candidates were compelled to turn to it, despite the fact that each felt it was not an issue. Well, that is true in the sense that there is no disagreement between them on the matter. But groups not directly connected with the campaign have injected the subject into a contest between them and thus made it an issue in the campaign.
     Last Sunday on "Meet the Press," NBC's Herb Kaplow noted this rise in sentiment, and put this question to Vice President Nixon.

     Mr. KAPLOW. You said a number of times, Mr. Vice President, that religion should not be a campaign issue, and that the candidates, in order to prevent it from becoming one, might refrain from discussing it. Well, there have been recent developments which indicate that religion is an issue in certain parts of our country, and I wonder if you have anything more to say about the subject.
     Mr. NIXON. Well, Mr. Kaplow, as you've well said, I have discussed this issue. I discussed it at a meeting with the American Society of Newspaper Editors and also at a press conference I had immediately after receiving the nomination in Chicago. I do think it might be appropriate to make another statement on it at this point, to be sure that the record is absolutely clear and that my convictions as a candidate for the Presidency are known.
     I have no doubt whatever about Senator Kennedy's loyalty to his country and about the fact that, if he were elected President, that he would put the Constitution of the United States above any other consideration. I believe that he, as a Member of Congress, has followed this standard. I believe he would follow that standard as President. I don't believe, in other words, there is a religious issue as far as Senator Kennedy is concerned.
     In the second place, I believe that it would be tragic, and I repeat, tragic, for not only the United States at home, but it would be tragic as far as the picture the United States presents abroad for this election to be determined primarily, or even substantially, on religious grounds. We do have a great problem in the world today, the one that's already been touched upon in the two previous questions. And that problem is fighting an ideology which opposes all religions - communism. In fighting that ideology, all religions are their enemy, and all religions must work together. And the United States must be united by this campaign, insofar as that issue is concerned, and not divided.
     Now the question is, not whether Senator Kennedy or I believe that religion is an issue - we don't believe it is - not that we believe - whether we believe it should be an issue. Both of us believe it should not be an issue. The question is how do you keep it out of the campaign. It's been my conviction that the best way the candidates can keep it out of the campaign is by not talking about it, because what do people consider to be issues? Well, people consider those things to be issues that they hear other people talk about it - the things they read about. And every time the candidate raises the issue or talks about it, even as I answer a question, it's news. And the people think about that. And so I can only say that I believe that my first intuition about this is correct. As far as I'm concerned, I've issued orders to all of the people in my campaign not to discuss religion, not to raise it, not to allow anybody to participate in the campaign who does so on that ground. And as far as I'm concerned, I will decline to discuss religion and will discuss other issues in order to keep the minds of the people on the issues that should decide this election, and to keep them off of an issue that should not enter into it.

     McGEE. In Texas, Senator Kennedy met the issue head on when he appeared, by invitation, before the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, a group of Protestant clergymen. He made an address, which he had prepared beforehand, and then answered questions from the floor. You will hear the key portions of his address, and then his answers to a series of questions from the Rev. E. H. Westmoreland, of the South Main Baptist Church, in Houston. Kennedy turned first to the requirement in the U.S. Constitution that the church and state be separate bodies.

     Senator KENNEDY. * * * I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute, where no Catholic prelate would tell the President, should he be Catholic, how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote, where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him. * * * Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling, or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise. But if the time should ever come, and I do not conceive any conflict to be remotely possible, when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any other conscientious public servant would do likewise. * * *
     Senator KENNEDY (answering question). * * * There is no doubt in my mind that the viewpoint that I have expressed tonight, publicly, represent the opinion of the overwhelming majority of American Catholics.
     Reverend WESTMORELAND. Mr. Kennedy, you will---
     Senator KENNEDY (continuing). * * * And I think that my view, I have no doubt, is known to Catholics around the world, so that I'm just hopeful that by my stating it quite precisely, and I believe I state it in the tradition of the American Catholics way back all the way to Bishop John Carroll, I feel that, I hope this will clarify it without my having to take the rather circuitous route.
     Reverend WESTMORELAND. We - we appreciate---
     Senator KENNEDY (continuing). * * * This is the position, I think, of the American Catholic Church in the United States with which I am associated.
     Reverend WESTMORELAND. We appreciate your forthright statement. May I say we have great admiration for you. But until we know this is the position of your church, because there will be many Catholics who will be appointed if you are elected President, we would like to know that they, too, are free to make such statements as you've been so courageous to make. [Applause.]
     Senator KENNEDY. Well, let me say that anyone that I would appoint to any office as a Senator or as a President would, I hope, hold the same view of the necessity of their living up to not only the letter of the Constitution, but the spirit. If I may say so, I am a Catholic. I've stated my view very clearly. I don't find any difficulty in stating that view. In my judgment, it is the view of American Catholics from one end of the country to the other. Why, because as long as I can state it in a way which I hope is satisfactory to you, why do you possibly doubt that I represent a viewpoint which is hostile to the Catholic Church in the United States. I believe I'm stating the viewpoint the Catholics in this country hold toward the happy relationship which exists between church and state.
     Reverend WESTMORELAND. Let me ask you, sir, do you state it with the approval of the Vatican?
     Senator KENNEDY. I don't have to have approval in that sense, I'm not submitted--- [applause.]

     McGEE. Both Kennedy and Nixon spoke after a statement had been issued by a group of 150 Protestant ministers and laymen called, "Protestants and Others United for the Separation of Church and State."
     The group's two most prominent members were Dr. Daniel A. Poling and Dr. Norman Vincent Peale, both Republicans. The key portions of their statement said:

     It is inconceivable that a Roman Catholic President would not be under extreme pressure by the hierarchy of his church to accede to its policies with respect to foreign relations, including representation to the Vatican.

     Is it reasonable to assume that a Roman Catholic President would be able to withstand, altogether, the determined efforts of the hierarchy to gain further funds and favors for its schools and institutions and otherwise breach the wall of separation of church and state?

     McGEE. Dr. Niebuhr, what do you think of the emphasis that's being placed on Senator Kennedy's religion and the controversy that it's created?
     Dr. NIEBUHR. I'm rather disturbed about it because I think that the controversy shows that the American people aren't quite as mature as I thought they were on this. One thing, whatever you may say about Catholicism, and I'd say much more positive things than many of the critics say, there is such a thing as "lay" Catholicism, and the young Senator is a lay Catholic in the American tradition, and the idea that his election would in any way imperil the constitutional liberties of the American people is just too nonsensical for words. That's my opinion.
     MCGEE. Sir, do you feel that there is any proper way that the religion of any candidate can be discussed?
     Dr. NIEBUHR. I think there could be. The frightening thing about it is it is always discussed on a trivial level. So that I feel, with my secular friends, I can just see them viewing this thing and saying, "For goodness' sake, what are these religious people talking about," because it's so trivial. Now it doesn't seem trivial to the people that are engaged in it. For instance, the letters I've received, and they've been rather disturbing to me, I mean the quality of the letters. They don't think this is trivial. They think they're defending American liberties, and they don't have any - there's no sense of history in it, and not only for America, but for - I have a feeling that it's not only the American scene, but the whole Western European scene that's very different. These men, for instance, the Peale-Poling statement, called attention to Spain. Well, for goodness' sakes, Spain is in the Middle Ages. Catholicism is in the Middle Ages, there. Let's take that for granted. But why make Senator Kennedy responsible for what the Archbishop of Madrid says, or even the Archbishop of Dublin. This is America.

     MCGEE. Today, Dr. Poling reentered the controversy. In a statement issued in New York, he says neither he nor Dr. Peale repudiate their earlier belief that a Roman Catholic President would be under extreme pressure from the hierarchy of his church. And he also attacked Drs. Niebuhr and Bennett charging they are "prejudiced witnesses when they name as 'bigots,' other Protestant clergymen with whom they disagree." Niebuhr and Bennett have not yet responded to this charge. Here is one of the 40 million Catholics who are American citizens, Philip Scharper.

     McGEE. How do you feel about the emphasis that's being placed on Senator Kennedy's religion and the controversy that it's creating?
     Mr. SCHARPER. Well, I must confess that, initially, I had a reaction of great irritation. As a Catholic, I resented, frankly, being told by non-Catholics what I as a Catholic had to officially believe on the separation of church and state, religious tolerance, and so on. Then, as an American, I felt serious irritation that, what I regarded as the basic issues of the campaign, were being smothered over by the false issue of religion. On sober and, I hope, more religious Christian, second thought, I feel that it might perhaps provide an opportunity for education on the precise role of American Catholicism to American culture and life generally.
     MCGEE. Do you think Senator Kennedy is handling this issue properly, facing it properly?
     Mr. SCHARPER. Yes, I do. In my opinion, he's facing it the only way that he could or should face it, straightforwardly, sincerely. I would hope that he can soon be in a position to move on to a consideration of the real issues of domestic and foreign affairs.
     MCGEE. Now I'm going to ask you something that's really none of my business. Do you normally vote Democratic or Republican?
     Mr. SCHARPER. Normally, Democratic.
     McGEE. Are you going to vote for Senator Kennedy this time?
     Mr. SCHARPER. Yes.
     McGEE. Does his Catholic faith have anything to do with this?
     Mr. SCHARPER. None in the least.
     McGEE. If Nixon were a Catholic, and Kennedy were a Protestant, would you still vote for Kennedy?
     Mr. SCHARPER. I would still vote for Kennedy. Most of the priests with whom I've discussed the campaign are actually voting for Nixon.
     McGEE. Have you ever been told by your church how to feel or how to vote on any public issue?
     Mr. SCHARPER. Not once, thank God.

     McGEE. Fueling the flame are groups across the country mailing literature that ranges from the relatively mild to scurrilous, purporting to depict the hazards or horrors of having a Catholic President.
     And we even saw this week the chairmen of both political parties charging and denying that workers in each were keeping the religious issue alive and trying to turn it to their own advantage.
     We said a moment ago that when we felt an expression of our own opinion was in order, such expression would be clearly labeled as opinions of our own.
     Well, here comes some. We think that this controversy is dangerous and disheartening. Dangerous because it's drawing your attention and mine away from questions that demand the keenest reasoning of which we are capable and upon which our survival under conditions of our choice may well depend. And to me it's disheartening to hear the leaders of American Protestantism, my faith, accusing each other of prejudice and bigotry and to hear men in positions of great political responsibility accuse each party of seeking profit from such primitive passions.
     Well, perhaps it has risen early enough in the campaign to exhaust itself soon, and thus permit most people, what I sincerely believe that they want, an opportunity to examine each candidate for the qualities they feel are needed to lead this most powerful country in the world through one of the most critical periods in history.
     We will continue with our examination in just a moment.

     ANNOUNCER. This edition of "The Campaign and the Candidates" will continue in just a moment, after a pause for station identification.

     ANNOUNCER. NBC News continues now with "The Campaign and the Candidates," a study of the current presidential campaign. Here again is NBC News Correspondent Frank McGee.

     McGEE. Seldom, if ever, have two candidates for the Presidency conducted such a strenuous campaign. As we have mentioned, both Nixon and Kennedy have been drawing huge crowds, and their reception seems to drive them to even greater campaigning efforts. To bring you up to date, we have asked our correspondents on the campaign tours to prepare reports on the last 48 hours of all four men. First, the Kennedy story, to Washington and NBC's Sander Vanocur.

     VANOCUR. Senator Kennedy drew a big crowd - 20,000 persons - yesterday morning in Reading, Pa. The county is Democratic, but the voters did not turn out like this for either former President Harry Truman or Adlai Stevenson when they campaigned here. Kennedy's often behind schedule because of unplanned stops to shake hands and win votes. But the crowds wait.
     Ten thousand persons were waiting to greet him in Lancaster, which is located in a Republican county. The crowd here, as elsewhere, had to be restrained by the local police. The people, especially the women, seemed more anxious to touch Kennedy than to hear him. But some people do want to hear the candidate, and when there's a delay, they demand he be produced without further ado.

     (Cheers, shouts, and chanting of "We Want Kennedy.")
     ANNOUNCER. * * * You got 'im, you got 'im. Here he is. The next President of the United States.
     Senator KENNEDY. * * * I do not run for the office of the Presidency, saying that, if I am elected, life will be easy, because I do not think it will be. But I do say that, if we are elected, and if I am successful, that I will attempt to mobilize the resources of the strongest and most powerful country in the world - the United States - associate ourselves with the cause of freedom around the world, associate ourselves with those who want to be independent and wish to follow our road. The challenge for the. United States in the 1960's is going to be heavier than it's ever been before, but I think it's a challenge which can be met. I have the greatest possible confidence in this country. I have traveled over it [applause] I do not believe, I do not believe that our brightest days have been in the past. I do not accept Mr. Khrushchev's description of us as a "sick and dying and faltering horse." I believe we can move. And I can assure you that, if we are successful in this election, we will attempt to lead this country and the free world, and this country will move again. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

     VANOCUR. In Baltimore, Md., last night Kennedy warned Khrushchev not to meddle in the election and not to try and praise one candidate at the expense of the other.

     Senator KENNEDY. * * * It has been suggested that your objective is to divide our country in the middle of an election. Let me say as emphatically as I can: Those tactics will not work. You may try to praise or condemn one candidate or another. You may try to express directly or indirectly your preferences or doubts. But the American people are not going to be influenced in this election by what the Kremlin does or says or does not say. [Applause.]
     You may not be familiar with our free elections, Mr. Khrushchev, because you do not know what free elections are. So, perhaps you have been misled into believing that we are a divided country, or that one side favors appeasement, or that the humiliation of our President would be pleasing to his political opponents. Nothing could be further from the truth. * * * You may hear us inquiring into our lost prestige, our shaky defenses, our lack of leadership, but do not be deceived. The Democratic Party is not preaching disunity. Our program is not one that will please you. The Democratic Party wants to win this election, not to preside over the liquidation of the free world, or the destruction of mankind, but to achieve peace and regain our security and rebuild America's strength. [Applause.]

     VANOCUR. Kennedy campaigned today in North Carolina, where Vice President Nixon got such a good reception in August. There's a lot of agriculture in this State, and Kennedy's first stop was in Greenville, a tobacco-marketing center, where he bought some homegrown tobacco. Kennedy later said the Republican presidential candidates only pay attention to agricultural problems for only 2 months of every election year. Sander Vanocur, NBC News, with the Kennedy campaign in Washington.

     MCGEE. Now, in the last 2 days, the Nixon campaign caravan has been in the Midwest, where Nixon took the opportunity to pull the wraps off of his plan for the Nation's farmers.
     Tonight, the Vice President is in Minneapolis, and we will have a special report from there. And that report is coming up.

     MCGEE. Just a few hours ago, the Nixon party arrived in Minneapolis after almost 2 days in the Nation's Farm Belt. Again - big crowds. And the Vice President, who had carefully sidestepped specific answers to questions about his farm policy in the past week or so, now was ready to unveil it. For another special report then, on that and other developments with Nixon, we switch to KSTP-TV, Minneapolis, and NBC's Herb Kaplow.

     KAPLOW. * * * started early yesterday morning in an Omaha auditorium. States with large farm populations account for almost half the electoral votes needed to win the Presidency, and Candidate Nixon wants to get as many of them as he can, so he's selling hard. Then, into Iowa, where the tall corn grows, and so do those troublesome crop surpluses. At one point, the Vice President did some unusual campaigning before students of the Iowa School for the Deaf.

     Mr. NIXON. * * * (barely distinguishable above cheers and general noise) * * * You know that whenever we travel through America, and see our schools and this good country, we - and this confirms the other countries - Russia, for example, and - of the other countries of the world, we realize that all of us are very lucky to live here in the United States. [Cheers and applause.]

     KAPLOW. Then, farther east into Iowa, the community of Red Oak, which seems to be a "must" stop for politicians seeking the political fruits of American farming. The candidate was welcome, indeed, to Red Oak. The square was filled with enthusiastic onlookers, and they listened carefully to the earnest-looking man from Washington.
     In Atlantic, Iowa, he sounded the same theme

     There are things to do, problems to solve, progress to make in the United States, but we must first think about the problem of national survival in challenging times.

Chorus of girls, singing:

"We want Nixon,
    Our man, Nixon,
We want Nixon,
    To be our President.
Merrily, we roll along, roll along, roll along,
    Merrily, we roll along, 90 million strong.
"We want Nixon,
     Our man, Nixon,
We want Nixon,
     To be our President."

     KAPLOW. On to Guthrie Center next, for a plowing contest, and some Nixon thoughts on issues, especially agriculture.

     Mr. NIXON. Whenever I talk to an audience like this, I am often asked: Well, what happens? Does a candidate for the Presidency go around the country and tell the farmers what they want to hear, and then tell the labor people what they want to hear, and then tell the business people what they want to hear, tell the East, and the North, and the South, and everything what they want to hear? And the answer is, to be perfectly honest: Of course, we always should talk about subjects primarily of interest to the particular area and the particular group to whom we may be speaking. But let me say one thing right here. Whether it's a labor group, or a farm group, or a business group, or any other kind of group in America, I think it's the responsibility of one running for the President of the United States, not to say just what that group may want to hear, not to play one group against the other, but to remember that he must be prepared to be President of all the people and not just President of part of the people against other parts of the people. [Applause.] * * * And in that connection, may I say, that our farm families I find are just as concerned about the great issue of keeping the peace, which was referred to before I came to this platform, as they are about farm income, because they know the farm income isn't going to mean a. thing if they're not around to enjoy it. They know that, as far as their children are concerned, they want a better life for them on the farm or in the city, if they move to the city, but they want them to be able to enjoy life in peace and in freedom.

     KAPLOW. The candidate went on to Des Moines after outlining a program for eliminating existing crop surpluses. The audience had listened attentively. In Des Moines, another warm welcome and later a television appearance aimed at displaying again his interest in the farmers' welfare. Then, on to Sioux City and Minneapolis, in the neighboring Minnesota, where, tonight, the Republican standard bearer is charging opponent Kennedy with being confused and immature about Khrushchev, of having an obsession of fear and failure in downgrading the state and prestige of the United States.
     (Cheers of "We want Nixon, we want Nixon," from SOF.)
     KAPLOW. A warm welcome at the airport, followed by cheering crowds that drew a number in enthusiasm downtown that obviously reinforced the Vice President's appraisal tonight that the presidential race is about even, but things are going well. Herb Kaplow, NBC News, in Minneapolis.

     McGEE. Now, to this point, we have not mentioned the vice presidential candidates. But they have been campaigning just as arduously as their ticket leaders.
     Henry Cabot Lodge, the Republican vice presidential aspirant, has followed a line similar to Nixon's, that he is experienced on the basis of his United Nation's work to help deal with the grave world problems.
     Lyndon Johnson, the Democrat, is probably the most impassioned speaker among the four candidates, more like the old-style political campaigners, so let's look at the Johnson campaign up to the moment. We go to WBAP-TV, Fort Worth, and NBC's Robert Abernethy.

     ABERNETHY. All this week, Lyndon Johnson has been reaching out for the votes of the Southwest. He campaigned through Texas with Senator Kennedy, then headed off on his own into New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, Oklahoma, and this afternoon, back to Abilene, Tex. Johnson's pace has been exhausting. He sweats through five or six clean shirts a day. He is fighting a sore throat. Johnson likes to touch the voters whenever he can. To the despair of those trying to keep him on schedule, he stops nearly every motorcade to get out and in his words, "presh the flesh." Believe it or not, Johnson got this idea from Richard Nixon. Johnson insists everywhere that only the Democratic Party is the party of all regions and all peoples. But in Tucson, he also argued that his party was best for the West.

     Senator JOHNSON. * * * [Applause] * * * because I defy any Madison Avenue publicity regardless of how glamorous he may be, regardless of how fertile his imagination may be, regardless of what ingenuity he may possess, to find one single thing that Dick Nixon or Henry Cabot Lodge have ever done for the State of Arizona. [Applause.]

     ABERNETHY. Johnson draws respectable, but not enormous crowds. He appears happy with each one. Throughout this region, the only issue people seem really emotional about is Senator Kennedy's Catholicism. The gaudy looks of Las Vegas might make one think people there thought other things were more important. But Johnson included an attack on intolerance in his Las Vegas' talk.

     Senator JOHNSON. [Applause] * * * and mark my prediction. In a matter of hours or days or weeks, the people that have been peddling this poison under the table are going to hang their heads. The blush of shame is going to come to their cheek because they know they're not speaking in the spirit of the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, as represented by that flag.

     ABERNETHY. In almost every speech, Johnson not only condemns the haters, he also explains why he agreed to be Kennedy's running mate. The Belden Texas poll reports that less than half of the voters here approve of Johnson's accepting the vice presidential nomination. And since the Democratic Convention, Johnson has received much ugly mail. Part of the criticism is for religious reasons. Part of it is conservative fear of the Democratic platform. So Johnson has been speaking to this, too, trying to reassure oil men, for instance, that a Democratic administration would not reduce their depletion allowance. But, perhaps the central Johnson argument, so far, has been on foreign affairs. Johnson's staff feels that the voters are deeply concerned about the prestige of this country. So Johnson charges the administration - that administration weakness and indecision has permitted the spread of Communist influence, especially in Cuba, and he's almost promising rollback if the Democrats win. Of course, Johnson predicts a Democratic victory, but one thing seems certain, whoever wins, by November the 8th, Lyndon Johnson will have heard "Deep in the Heart of Texas" more times than anyone else alive, with the possible exception of the composer's wife. Bob Abernethy with the Johnson campaign in Texas.

     MCGEE. The Lodge campaign has brought him to Washington tonight, after a tour that has taken him from the beaches of Coney Island to the steel mills of Youngstown. His latest 48 hours are of interest to us now, and that report is coming up.

     McGEE. And now, to complete our vice presidential report, we take a look at the campaign of Henry Cabot Lodge, who, like all the other candidates, has had experience in the Senate. For a late report, we switch to Washington and NBC's Bill Ryan.

     RYAN. Cabot Lodge, the campaigner, made the transition from Cabot Lodge, the U.N. diplomat, with a great deal of skill and ease. Whether he is extolling the virtues of local candidates, whom he has never before seen, or walking through crowds, shaking hands, or having people run up to his car, he's always ready with a quick smile, a few words of chatter, and a "Thank you." He is campaigning as "the man who spoke up to the Russians at the U.N." And that organization is always dominant in his speeches. He used it to talk about civil rights in an airport speech yesterday in Bradenton, Fla.

     Mr. LODGE. * * * And if you work at the United Nations, as I have, you realize that four-fifths of the human - of human beings are not of the white race and they therefore watch what we do in the field of civil rights and, therefore, we should advance on that - in that field. And I say that as one who is - who represented the whole Nation in the United Nations and who realizes that this problem is a national problem and that defects in understanding between races and groups is not confined to any one region * * * We need leadership, we need leadership that is energetic, that is possessed of a tough, resilient intelligence, leadership that has a rich experience, leadership that is deeply imbued with American ideals, and we are - we think we are submitting to you - the voters - that kind of leadership in the person of Richard M. Nixon. [Applause.]

     RYAN. Last night in Miami, his speech contained references to Florida's weather and to the growing Republican Party.

     Mr. LODGE. * * * Now, it's true that man can never wholly tame nature. But man can learn to anticipate and, often, outwit nature. And, at the United Nations, I came in touch with the program for the peaceful uses of outer space. And I believe that there is encouragement in that program to find out the causes and the courses of these dreadful hurricanes. And certainly that is something that should be encouraged, and which should mean a lot to a State like Florida. * * * I think the work of building a two-party system must go on, because it can mean so much for good government in every single State in the Union. [Applause.]

     RYAN. There are very few changes in Lodge's speech, no matter where he goes. Throughout the Nation, he manages to get the United Nations into his speeches, in most cases, tying it to a local issue. In Florida, hurricane tracking, through space satellites; in Illinois references to the corn surplus in the hope that the U.N. can get that extra food to starving peoples around the world. The U.N. is also his reference point for "civil rights." He missed only in Erie, Pa., where he could not find a way to have the U.N. dredge Erie Harbor so that city could benefit more from the St. Lawrence Seaway. He's running his campaign on promises for the future, emphasizing the experience he and Richard Nixon have, never mentioning the opposition by name. His only allusions to the Democrats come when he says this is no time for on-the-job training for the Presidency. He says local politicians agree with him it's the best way to get votes. Bill Ryan with the Lodge campaign in Washington.

     MCGEE. Since this campaign began, NBC News has assigned four competent newsmen to the job, traveling with the candidates, reporting on their activities, and you have just heard from them. An evaluation of the presidential campaign to date, therefore, can be honestly based on firsthand knowledge. So again, Sander Vanocur in Washington.

     VANOCUR. After traveling 2 weeks with Senator John Kennedy, several things stand out. His crowds have been large, and they've been enthusiastic. Gov. David Lawrence, of Pennsylvania, who's been around for a good number of years, says he hasn't seen anything like it since Franklin D. Roosevelt. Then, across the country, there's great enthusiasm among the State organizations. In Texas, for example, where the State party leaders haven't been united since 1936, they're united now and soundly behind the ticket. The same is true elsewhere. Finally, there's the religious issue. If there's been a turning point in this campaign so far, it came when Dr. Norman Vincent Peale and other Protestant ministers tried to indict Senator Kennedy because of his religion. But when Senator Kennedy came east last Wednesday, he found the religious issue seemed to have backfired. He found that Protestants had been offended. He also found that Negroes, Catholics, and Jews, who live in large numbers in the northern electoral States were also offended and stirred to a degree of support for Kennedy that he otherwise might not have had from them. Now, I'm not saying that Kennedy is ahead of Nixon at this time. I am saying that Kennedy's campaign now seems to have a campaign's most essential ingredient - momentum. Sander Vanocur, NBC News.

     McGEE. Our man with Nixon has been Herb Kaplow who, despite his years, is a veteran political reporter on the Washington scene. Another evaluation now, this one on the Republican campaign. Again, Herb Kaplow in Minneapolis.

     KAPLOW. The Nixon campaign seems to be going according to plan. The crowds have been quite respectable in size and, perhaps, more enthusiastic in spirit than had been anticipated this early in the campaign. And their reactions have come at the right places - applauding the broad, often oversimplified declarations about the good status of our strength and about the sort of leadership we need. Now, for Mr. Nixon, this is a good thing. It suggests that he may, indeed, be able to pull off his basic maneuver of subordinating everything else to the issue of leadership able to handle foreign policy: Then, farm discontent, for instance would become less of a political danger to the Republican standard bearer who would be fighting the battle on the grounds on which he feels most strong. It is apparent there is a substantial residue of pro-Eisenhower sentiment throughout the country, and Mr. Nixon is trying to trade on this. He also is trying to further humanize himself and, frankly, it's very difficult to say just how well he is doing on this score. And, finally, the Republican standard bearer seems to be trying to create an aura of spirituality, of destiny, about his cause, and in so doing, he's talking of the need for more work, of avoiding complacency in order to progress. And then he has been telling the American voter more of the sort of things that they want to hear; for instance, that we in the United States and our allies will win the world struggle because we're on the right side. Herb Kaplow in Minneapolis with the Nixon campaign.

     MCGEE. There are over 100 million Americans of voting age. And each one differs from the other in some measure in what he believes, and finding absolute agreement among them on any one thing is utterly impossible.
     And yet, from this weltering body of conflicting convictions and emotions and even prejudices, a common judgment will be reached 7 weeks from now when the United States elects its 35th President, because we are engaged in one of the greatest processes in democracy, which is, itself, the most delicate and precious political mechanism ever put together by man. This is Frank McGee, NBC News. Good evening.

    (ET theme music in hard at end of this.)

     ANNOUNCER. This has been a presentation of NBC News.