REMARKS OF SENATOR JOHN F. KENNEDY,
MUNICIPAL AUDITORIUM, CANTON, OHIO,
SEPTEMBER 27, 1960
Senator KENNEDY. Governor Di Salle, distinguished
guests, ladies and gentlemen, I want to express, as we leave beautiful
Ohio, I want to express my thanks to all of you. We have been campaigning
from Painesville, this morning, down through at least 50 percent of the
State of Ohio. I must say I share the view of Governor Di Salle. I think
that this State is going to go Democratic in November.
Last night on television Mr. Nixon stated
that we agreed on the goals but that we disagreed on the means. That is
what the argument has been for 25 years, how you move this country ahead,
how do you provide full employment, how do you provide housing, how do
you provide education, how do you develop the natural resources. Of course
we want these things done, but the big argument is the means and the Democratic
Party has provided the means. [Applause.]
Franklin Roosevelt in accepting the second
Presidential nomination before 100,000 people in Franklin Field in 1936,
I think said very clearly the differences between our two major parties.
In that speech he said:
Governments can err, Presidents do
make mistakes, but the immortal Dante tells us that Divine Justice weighs
the sins of the coldblooded and the sins of the warmhearted in a different
scale. Better the occasional faults of a government living in the spirit
of charity than the consistent omissions of a government frozen in the
ice of its own indifference.
I think that is the issue. What does this country
want? Does this country want a government frozen in the ice of its own
indifference, or do we want a government that will move, that will care
for our people, that will set before the American people the unfinished
business of our society? [Applause.]
After Franklin Roosevelt was elected in 1933,
the new President's friend, Robert E. Sherwood, set it all down in a brief
sardonic poem:
Plodding feet, tramp, tramp
The Grand Old Party breaking camp
Blare of bugles, din, din
The New Deal is moving in.
Today on every major crisis that faces the United
States, from the crisis at Formosa to Berlin, in the plight of our cities,
of people out of work, we hear no blare of bugles, din, din; we see only
plodding feet, tramp, tramp, and the Grand Old Party breaking camp.
I am a Democrat and I am proud to lead the
Democratic Party. [Applause.] Mr. Nixon says the party labels don't mean
anything; vote for the man. Party labels tell us something. The Democratic
Party would not have nominated Mr. Nixon and the Republican Party never
would have nominated me. We come out of the parties because the parties
do stand for something. They do stand for a long history, and the record
is written in the last 25 years and in the last 50 years. A Democratic
majority wrote the Social Security Act and a Republican majority tried
to kill it. [Applause.] The Democratic Party wrote unemployment compensation
and the Republicans opposed it; a Democratic Party wrote the minimum wage
law - a minimum wage of 25 cents an hour away back in the thirties, and
four-fifths of the Republicans voted against it.
I think parties mean something. They tell
something about the candidates and they tell something about what the candidates
will do if they are elected to office. Mr. Nixon never would have been
the unanimous choice of his party unless they felt they understood where
he was going, what he believed, and that he believed what they believed,
and I don't. [Applause.]
I believe what Wilson believed and Franklin
Roosevelt and Harry Truman, that it is the function of government not to
dominate but to serve. I don't believe, as I tried to say last night, in
big government, but I believe in government meeting its responsibilities.
When 50 percent of the steel capacity of the United States is unused, when
we are building 200,000 homes less than we should, when there are 1,800,000
children who go to school part time, when teachers across the United States
are paid 15 percent less for wages than they are in the manufacturing industries
in the United States, then I think it is still time for the Democratic
Party, I think we still have a function. [Applause.]
When the average wage of laundry women in
five large cities of the United States is 65 cents an hour for a 48-hour
week, when the average social security check for people over 65 is $78
a month, and at least 9 million live on less than $1,000 a year, I think
there is still need for the Democratic Party. I think the party - I think
the next President of the United States will face a difficult time, because
our country faces a difficult time. He is going to be faced with the problem
of maintaining our position in Berlin, of maintaining our position all
around the globe, of attempting to rebuild the image of the United States
as a vital and strong society, as a society that is moving ahead, and at
the same time he is going to be faced with serious problems here in the
United States. He is going to be faced with the problem of trying to maintain
in the first months of his office full employment in the United States,
and in 1961 we may face a difficult time. That will be a matter of the
greatest possible concern and the greatest possible importance to our people.
I think that this administration has not realized
that when you have a recession in 1954 and when you have a more serious
recession in 1958, and then you begin to have a plateau in 1960, that it
should be an indication that it is time that our economy was stimulated
rather than was held back by a fiscal policy and monetary policy which
I think in the last 8 years, which has featured hard money, high-interest
rates, which I think has had a deflationary effect on our economy at a
time when we needed to stimulate it. I think the United States must address
itself again to the Full Employment Act of 1946. I think we must attempt
to stimulate the growth of the United States. We are going to have to find
25,000 jobs a week for the next 10 years if we are going to find jobs for
your children who are coming into the labor market - 25,000 jobs a week,
52 weeks a year for 10 years, if we are going to maintain full employment
in the United States, and it is going to be a matter that is going to be
of concern to us all, Canton, Ohio, and the United States. We want to make
sure that any American who seeks a job, who honestly wants to work will
have a chance to work. That is our objective. [Applause.]
And we must do this at a time when automation
is throwing men out of work. I ran in the primary in West Virginia. I spent
some time in McDowell County in West Virginia. McDowell County mines more
coal than it ever has in its history, probably more coal than any county
in the United States and yet there are more people getting surplus food
packages in McDowell County than any county in the United States. The reason
is that machines are doing the jobs of men, and we have not been able to
find jobs for those men. I think this is not a problem for McDowell County
nor is it a problem for Canton, Ohio. It is a matter that should be of
importance to the next administration and to the next President.
The problem of automation is to make sure
that machines make our lives easier, not harder, for those who are thrown
out of work. [Applause.]
I think we must develop our natural resources.
You cannot bring industry into Ohio unless you have clean rivers. I think
the greatest asset that has happened to Ohio during the last few years,
except for Governor Di Salle's election, was the building of the St. Lawrence
Seaway, and I was proud, though I came from Massachusetts, to vote for
it, because it is a national asset and a rising tide lifts all boats. If
Ohio moves ahead, so will Massachusetts. [Applause.] Good water,
power, transportation, those are necessary to develop the economy of the
United States in the 1960's.
Sixth, I think we must formulate special programs
which will be of assistance in those areas which are chronically hard hit
by unemployment, areas where it is 7, 8, 9, or 10 percent, and it may have
gone on for 2 or 3 years. I had one of them in my own State, Lawrence,
Mass., where the unemployment rate was 35 percent for 3 years, and the
reason, of course, was because we lost our textile mills.
This administration has opposed both area
assistance bills. I am not interested in seeing people in the United States
out of work not for 1 month, 4 months or a year, or for 2 years or 3 years,
while they get a surplus food package from the Government of 5 cents a
day in eggs, rice, and they are going to add lard this summer. [Applause.]
This is an important election and we need
your help in it. We cannot possibly succeed in this area or in this State
unless in the next 6 weeks we can carry the State of Ohio. Ohio is key
and so is Illinois. This election will be decided in the major industrial
States of this country, and the question before the people of Ohio is do
you think we can do better, do you think a Democratic Administration, with
new people, with a sense of urgency about the affairs of this country,
at home and abroad, do you think we can move this country, or do you think
[applause] - or do you think you have never had it so good? I don't think
Khrushchev has had it so good as he has had it lately. He has been moving
outward and he has done it by unrelenting effort to demonstrate that his
society represents the way to the future. That is the most powerful weapon
he has. Because if the Soviet Union was first in outer space, that is the
most serious defeat the United States has suffered in many, many years.
The reason - not merely because outer space is important militarily, but
because as George Adams, the head of U.S. Foreign Service said earlier
this year, people around the world equate the mission to the moon, the
mission to outer space, with productive and scientific superiority. Therefore,
in spite of all our accomplishments, because we failed to recognize the
impact that being first in outer space would have, the impression began
to move around the world that the Soviet Union was on the march, that it
had definite goals, that it knew how to accomplish them, that it was moving
and that we were standing still. That is what we have to overcome, that
psychological feeling in the world that the United States has reached maturity,
that maybe our high noon has passed, maybe our brightest days were earlier,
and that now we are going into the long, slow afternoon. I don't hold that
view at all. I don't hold that view at all, and neither do the people of
this country. [Applause.]
I hope if we are successful that at the end
of the next President's administration, people around the world will begin
to wonder what is the President of the United States doing, what is the
United States doing, not merely what is Mr. Khrushchev doing. I want to
entertain him with a vision of the United States on the move. I am tired
of reading every day what he says and what Castro says. I want to begin
to see the United States moving ahead. [Applause.]
So we ask your help and assistance in this
campaign. I will close by reminding you that in the election of 1860, 100
years ago, the issue was really comparable, the question of whether the
United States could exist half slave and half free. Now in this election
I am reminded of a letter which Abraham Lincoln wrote to a friend during
that election. In that letter he said, "I know there is a God and I know
that He hates injustice. I see the storm coming. But if He has a place
and a part for me, I believe that I am ready." Now, 100 years later, we
know there is a God and we know He hates injustice, and we see the storm
coming. But if he has a place and a part for us, I believe that we are
ready. Thank you. [Applause.]