WILLIAM H. LAWRENCE, American Broadcasting Company: Mr.
President, as your campaign travel plans develop it's becoming clear that
you will be about the most traveled President, if not the most traveled
President, in any off year, midterm election.
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, well that's
right. I think that by November 6 we'll have traveled more than any President
and almost as much as all of them in this century in an off year, but that's
partly because of jet planes.
Mr. Lawrence: I was going to
ask whether this was a calculated decision, or did the importunings of
Democratic candidates just cause your schedule to grow like Topsy?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's mostly
- it's because one of the big problems we always face in an off year is,
first, the party in power traditionally loses seats. From the off year
elections of 1930 until, through the off year election of 1958, the party
in power lost an average of 39 House seats. Well, if we lost 39 House seats
it would make it impossible for us to put through any of the programs which
I believe to be vitally important to strengthen the economy of the United
States.
So, I think, while I recognize
the limitations of Presidential campaigning, traditionally it has not been
very successful, at least I think it may arouse some interest in this campaign
and encourage the turnout. One of the alarming statistics which I've seen,
Bill, has been the distribution of votes between the Republicans and the
Democratic Party. Generally, we do pretty well on that, but then when they
ask which percentage are going to vote, then we don't do so well. So, if
we can arouse some interest and cause a bigger turnout then I'll feel I've
done the job, even though history's against us.
Mr. Lawrence: Well, now, do
you really enjoy campaigning at this brisk a pace, or do you find such
a schedule as you have this weekend, for example, very tiring?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I guess
this weekend we're going to six States. No, I don't enjoy it very much.
I think one of the great myths in American life is that those who are in
politics love to campaign. Well, maybe some do, but it's hard work making
a lot of speeches, and I have a good many other things to do, but on the
other hand the decision which is made in the next 30 days is going to decide
what kind of a Congress we're going to have for the next 2 years. So I
think that really there's no place that I ought to be in these weekends
that is more important, at least to the things that I'm interested in.
If we can elect, if we can hold
our own in the Congress it would be extremely important. You'll recall
that we lost our bill for medical care for the aged, a change of 1 vote
in the Senate; that we passed our farm bill finally by about 5 votes. We
lost aid to higher education by about 27 votes. We won the Rules Committee
fight, which is going to come up again in January, which decides whether
all these bills should even come to the floor for a vote, we won that by
only 5 votes. So that is why this Congress is so evenly balanced and the
change of one or two seats one way or the other can make all the difference
to very important programs.
Mr. Lawrence: I notice that
former President Eisenhower is out campaigning and he charges that your
bid to elect more Democrats to the Congress is really a demand for one-party
rule and he says that people shouldn't let you make their decisions for
them. What's your reaction to that, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
the people are going to make their decisions on November 6. What has happened
- and this has really been true for a great many years as these figures
that I gave you indicate - that we have nearly total opposition by the
Republicans, about seven-eighths vote against all these programs and on
the farm bill we only picked up one Republican. And at least five-, six-,
seven-eighths of them vote against us on all those programs - domestic
programs - which I've discussed. Now, they are joined by about a fourth
of the Democrats and this has really been true since the mid-thirties.
We have a party which covers
all parts of the country. We include in it Wayne Morse, and Strom Thurmond,
and Harry Byrd, men who don't agree on a good many things, particularly
on domestic matters. So I usually figure that we're going to lose one-fourth
of the Democrats, they're going to vote with the Republicans and that's
why all these votes are so close. We're not talking about one-party rule,
we're talking about whether we'll win a majority, an effective, working,
practical majority of 2, 3, or 4 votes and that's what we've gone through
for the whole 2 years.
Mr. Lawrence: When you talk
of electing more Democrats though, Mr. President, you're really talking
about electing more from the North and from the West because you have just
about solid Democratic representation from the South, anyway?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Those issues
are all decided. Some of them don't agree with the program. Then, in addition,
there are a good many one-party districts that the Republicans represent,
that no one is going to do very much about. What we're talking about are
these swing districts which can go either way, which went very close in
1960 and 1958. And the choices here are between those Democrats who support
these programs and the Republicans who oppose them.
Now what is at issue, in my
opinion, is whether this economy of ours can produce at full blast. We
had a recession in 1958, we had a recession in 1960, the recovery of this
year is not as good as we had hoped. We still have too many unemployed.
We have still too much of our factory capacity which is unused. We're going
to have to develop monetary policies, fiscal policies, and all the rest
which will help us give the same thrust to our economy that Western Europe
does.
Now the fact is, and these men
are all good men, this is not a personal matter, but the Republicans do
not agree with this concept. I don't think that they recognize how serious
is this challenge of building our strength at home in order to maintain
it abroad. I think the Democrats that we are talking about in these districts
which are in doubt now this November do.
Why should we not have a Department
of Urban Affairs? I mean, 75 to 80 percent of our people live in our cities.
Why shouldn't we have aid to higher education? Why shouldn't we have medical
care for the aged? Why do we have difficulty passing a minimum wage of
$1.25 an hour? That's $50 a week. Yet 88 percent of the Republicans opposed
a $50 a week minimum wage. Well, you can't maintain a strong - who's going
to buy our automobiles and refrigerators if people are getting less than
$5o a week? How do they live for less than $50 a week?
So, these are some of the issues
and that's why I am working so hard.
Mr. Lawrence: Well, Mr. President,
you spoke a moment ago of Democratic disaffection, that is, the conservatives,
mostly Southern, who vote against your major administration programs, or
at least some of the key ones. Is this problem likely to be more difficult
in the next Congress because of the recent events in Mississippi and the
action that you had to take there to enforce the court order?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, you know,
actually, a good many southerners vote with us. We get a good many from
a number of the Southern States, Senators as well as Congressmen. The difficulty
is that every issue the sides change a bit. Sometimes we don't get as many.
In the case of the farm bill we lost some of the Democrats from the Northeast
United States who opposed these farm programs, generally. So that what
we really have to figure is that for one reason or another we usually lose
about a fourth of the Democrats. You combine that with total Republican
opposition and instead of our having a clear majority in the House and
Senate we have a very razor's edge.
I don't think, I think that
what's happened in Oxford, Miss., has caused a good deal of concern. I
think that most people in the South recognize my responsibility is to carry
out the court order, my Constitutional responsibility. And I think that
we will get support in the South for those measures which - in the same
way as we did in the last 2 years.
What I want to emphasize is
that the problem I'm talking about is the problem that goes back 30 years,
that you're familiar with, coalition. And when you figure that we won the
rules fight, which was the basic fight, in January '61, even with 19 Republicans
voting with us in the House, only by 5 votes, and we don't get 19 Republicans
any more, you can just see how closely divided the House and Senate is,
even though the party labels give a different impression.
Mr. Lawrence: Well, you do not
expect then any political repercussions from Oxford either in the North
or in the South?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
it's too early to tell about the political repercussions in November, I
don't know. I would hope not, but I wouldn't predict on that. But I think
beginning in January, I think the Members of the Congress will vote in
accordance with their more traditional beliefs. I don't think there'll
be that kind of reprisal because it really wouldn't make any sense. I had
no choice but to carry out my responsibilities.
Mr. Lawrence: Well, Mr. President,
these issues that you have just ticked off in your earlier answer: medicare,
taxes, aid to education, the minimum wage, are these the ones that people
talk to you about as you travel about the country?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, there's
obviously a great interest in foreign policy, but I've attempted and I
think this has been true of General Eisenhower in his campaign speeches,
neither one of us have attempted to make any partisan issue particularly
out of foreign policy. There may be some areas of difference, but I think
that those should be discussed as much as possible in a nonpolitical way
because they involve the security of our country - where we differ, where
the Republicans and Democrats differ. But the points I am emphasizing are
domestic and they're very important because Khrushchev once said that the
hinge of history and the great struggle between the free world and the
Communist world would move when the Communist world outproduced us. And
therefore the degree of economic growth, and the degree of productive strength
goes, in my opinion, basically to our ability to maintain our commitments
abroad. And I don't think we can maintain our economic strength if we drift
along on a plateau. And I think a recession in '58, a recession in '60,
and the difficulties we've had this year should be an alarm bell to all
of us.
This is not an easy problem.
No party or group of people or single person has an answer to it, but what
I feel is that at least we're aware of it and we're trying to work out
solutions. And I think it's important that we have a Congress responsive
to this need and I believe in this case that these Members of the House
and Senate that I'm talking about are responsive to it and have demonstrated
during the past 2 years.
Mr. Lawrence: Would you say
then, Mr. President, that there are no foreign policy issues that are likely
to affect a large number of votes in this campaign as between Democrats
and Republicans?
THE PRESIDENT. There may well
be, but at least I'm trying to emphasize it to the extent that's possible
the problems that we have here in the United States. I think they're very
important and I think they lend themselves to a very clear distinction
between our two parties. Now, if anyone wants to discuss foreign policy
or argue it I'll be delighted to, but at least I want to emphasize a very
important problem which I think is the rate of economic growth here in
the United States.
Mr. Lawrence: Well now, some
Republicans have been saying that Cuba is likely to be a big issue in this
campaign. Have you had any reaction to this in your campaign travels?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I'm sure
that the people are concerned about Cuba, and I am, too. I'm not sure it
is a party issue. I think we're all concerned about Cuba and, as you know,
we're taking a lot of steps to try to isolate Castro who we believe is
going to eventually fall. But whether it's a party matter, after all Castro
came in in 1958 and we have been unsuccessful in having Castro removed,
but whether this is a matter of Republicans and Democrats rather than an
American problem, I'm not so sure.
Mr. Lawrence: Would you say
on the whole, Mr. President, whether the record of the 87th Congress was
a definite campaign asset or liability to the Democrats?
THE PRESIDENT. No, definite
asset. We failed on three or four very important measures, but this is
always true of new bills. I hope we're going to pass them in the next session,
but on these matters of trade expansion, of economic social security, minimum
wage, and good drug bill, and all the rest, as I pointed out last night,
this Congress - all sorts of things that people don't realize.
We passed in this Congress more
bills setting up seashore parks in the United States, making this great
national asset available to the public, than has ever been passed in all
the Congresses in history. There's only a fraction of the land along the
Atlantic and Pacific and Gulf Stream that the people themselves can go
to; the rest is owned privately. We've built three great seashore parks:
Cape Cod; Point Reyes, north of San Francisco; and Padre Island, down off
Texas. That's more than were put together in all the Congresses in history.
We passed the strongest crime
legislation that's been passed in the history of the United States - seven
bills which are comparatively unknown. Well, the record of this Congress
is most unusual and I run on it with a good deal of satisfaction. But the
difficulty is that every vote we either won or lost by 3 or 4 votes and
if we suffer the usual midterm fate, which is the loss of 39 seats, you
can see that we won't pass any legislation in the next 2 years of the kind
that I think is so important.
Mr. Lawrence: And you will be
back, of course, with the next Congress with recommendations for medicare
and---
THE PRESIDENT. Right.
Mr. Lawrence: Federal aid to
education---
THE PRESIDENT. Right.
Mr. Lawrence: ---and a stronger
farm bill?
THE PRESIDENT. Correct, more
effective one.
Mr. Lawrence: Mr. President,
in considering the midterm elections and your part in them as President,
I think you mentioned earlier that Presidents have not always been too
effective in reversing the tide. Have you studied the attitudes of your
predecessors as they approached such election tests?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I've seen,
I've studied what they all did. Sometimes they did nothing and sometimes
they did a lot. Fate usually didn't seem to be affected by what they did.
President Eisenhower campaigned very hard in '58 and lost badly. President
Roosevelt didn't do very much in '34 and won. He did a good deal in '38
and lost. So there's no magic---
Mr. Lawrence: I had heard a
story that President Roosevelt took such a rigid public nonpartisan view
that he in fact proposed that the Jefferson-Jackson Day dinners that year
be bipartisan.
THE PRESIDENT. That's correct.
He said that he voted for a lot of Republicans in his life. He was very
nonpartisan in 1934 and he picked up nine seats.
Mr. Lawrence: He was the only
President who did.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, then, he
was very partisan in '38 and he lost, what, 70 seats, I think?
Mr. Lawrence: That's right,
but that was after the purge, of course.
THE PRESIDENT. That was after
the purge. So I, but on the other hand, I've never believed that precedents
really mean anything in politics. From my own personal experience as well
as for other reasons just because it happened this way in the past doesn't
mean anything. The question really is, can we interest enough people to
understand how important the congressional election of 1962 is? And that
is my function. They themselves will make a judgment finally, but at least
I hope by November 6, 1962, as a result of General Eisenhower's campaigning
as well as my own, at least everyone's going to know there is an important
election on.
Mr. Lawrence: So you feel that
General Eisenhower and you together are helping to get out a---
THE PRESIDENT. I think he's
very helpful. Some of his speeches may not be so helpful, but at least
the fact that he's working hard, I'm working hard, all this means that
the people of the United States will realize how important the election
of a Congress is.
I think when you read these
shocking statistics of 30, 40, 50, 6o percent of people not voting, I think,
well, then I think at least maybe we can move that up 5 or 10 percent.
And if we do, it helps us.
Mr. Lawrence: Thank you, Mr.
President.