THE PRESIDENT. Good afternoon.
[ 1.] Q. Mr. President, the
House Rules Committee, I understand, has just voted down your urban affairs
bill. I wonder if in that view you plan to submit it again.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I will
say this: It is my understanding that the House Rules Committee rejected
by a vote of 9 to 6 the proposal which had come out, which we had sent
up, and which had come out of the House Committee on Government Operations.
I am somewhat astonished at
the Republican leadership, which opposed this bill. It is my understanding
that all of the Republican members of the Rules Committee opposed the bill,
I had gotten the impression 2 weeks ago, after reading the reports from
the meeting in Oklahoma, that they shared our concern for more effective
management and responsibility of the problems of two-thirds of our population
who live in the cities. These cities are expanding. They face many problems
- housing, transportation, and all the rest - which vitally affect our
people.
This is a most valuable and
important proposal, and for that reason, therefore, I am going to send
it to the Congress as a reorganization plan, and give every member of the
House and Senate an opportunity to give their views and work their will
on this. And we are going to send it up right away.
[ 2.] Q. Mr. President, could
you discuss for us your general feelings about the limits which you feel
should or should not be imposed on the public statements of military figures?
Do you think that - what degree of review should be exercised over their
public utterances?
THE PRESIDENT. I must say I
don't think that we could do better than to read the remarks of three distinguished
military officers: General White's article in this week's Newsweek, Admiral
Burke, a distinguished officer who is now retired, and General Lemnitzer,
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff - all men of long experience, all
men who understand the importance of the proper relationship between the
military and the civilian. And I must say that after reading those three
statements, I am strengthened in my conviction of the good judgment of
Mr. Lovetts's words when he said that this flag looks redder to the bulls
outside than it does inside. I think that - I commend those three statements
to the military and to the civilians, and I think they set a very proper
guidance.
I'm glad this matter is being
looked into by - particularly by a committee headed by Senator Stennis,
who is an outstanding Senator. I am sure that it will be useful. But I
do think that the relationship which has existed for so many years, which
provides for civilian control and responsibility, and the coordination
of speeches which interpret Government policy, so that the United States
speaks with force and strength - I believe that we should continue this
very valuable policy which has been carried out in my predecessor's administration,
and the predecessor before, of giving guidance on speeches, so that particularly
when they are given by high governmental officials - I understand 1200
speeches were submitted and given by the Defense Department, I think over
600 of them involved foreign policy matters, and were submitted to the
Department of State. When I gave my State of the Union Address, I submitted
that part dealing with foreign policy to the State Department for any comments,
the part dealing with the Defense Department and national defense, to the
Secretary of Defense for his comments. This is the way a government like
ours, which is large and which deals with problems which are extremely
important and sensitive, and which involve our relations around the world
- this is the way we can coordinate and make effective expressions of our
views. So that I am confident this hearing will be useful and it got off
to a very good start with those three statements. In fact, the military
seemed to me to appreciate the problem better than some civilians. [Laughter]
[ 3.] Q. Mr. President, there
are persistent reports that you have proposed that Eugene Black of the
World Bank lend his good offices to India and Pakistan to settle the Kashmir
dispute. Could you say if this is correct, sir, and what your hopes for
success might be, if so?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I asked
Mr. Black if he would undertake to see if a solution was possible in this
most difficult and delicate problem. It creates international tensions,
of course, since we are assisting both of the countries. We want our assistance
to be used in a way which is most effective for the people.
Obviously, peaceful relations
between Pakistan and India are in the interests of world peace and the
interests that we seek to promote. Mr. Black is widely regarded. He had
a very successful period as negotiator on the Indus River matter and, therefore,
he has generously consented, if it was decided by the parties involved
that he could be helpful, to use his good offices, and I suggested that
they consider this matter.
[ 4.] Q. Mr. President, I wonder
if you could tell us what considerations, other than a tight schedule went
into your brother's decision not to visit Moscow on his trip.
THE PRESIDENT. I thought his
statement was as he described it.
Q. Was there any feeling, Mr.
President, that high level talks would be useful until they had made some
more conciliatory move on Berlin?
THE PRESIDENT. No. I think the
statement he gave was the reason.
[ 5.] Q. Mr. President, there
seems to be a feeling that you are in for a fight on your trade program.
Could you say how you think this will develop, mostly along the economic
lines, or sectional lines or political lines, or perhaps all three?
THE PRESIDENT. It may be all
three. I am hopeful that it will be certainly a bipartisan fight. I believe
it will be. This matter received its first impetus from the report of Secretary
Herter and Mr. Clayton. It - the general principles have been supported
by people like Henry Cabot Lodge in his work with NATO and the Atlantic
Council. It has been given a general support by President Eisenhower. So
that I am hopeful that it will be a matter of bipartisan concern.
There will, of course, be sectional
interests involved and there will be industrial interests involved, but
I am hopeful about this because I think the facts, the necessities and
our interests are so much on the side of our program that I believe that
the Congress will respond.
[ 6.] Q. Mr. President, are
you and your military advisers completely satisfied with the makeup and
strength of NATO at the present time?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
we can improve NATO. I think that it's important that we add to the conventional
strength of NATO. We've been emphasizing that. We, ourselves, have increased
our contribution. I am hopeful that we can meet the targets which General
Norstad stated as minimal if Western Europe is to be successfully defended
and also if we are to have, as I have said, an alternative between nuclear
holocaust and retreat. So I think it could be strengthened.
[ 7.] Q. Mr. President, in connection
with the House Rules Committee vote, I wanted to ask you about an article
that appeared this morning, and it was described as being based on an authorized
interview with you. It included this sentence: "The President sees at the
end of a year how nearly impossible it is to govern under the system of
divided powers." Would you care to expand on that view?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I haven't
given any authorized interview - [laughter] - but if you want to
know my views, of course there is a difficulty between a Congress and a
President, an executive. We are coordinate branches. There are different
views, different interests. Perspectives are different from one end of
Pennsylvania Avenue to the other. I was 14 - I've been 14 times longer
at one end of it than I have been at the other, so I appreciate the Congress'
responsibilities.
I believe that on the particular
issue that the Congress should speak its will because I believe it vitally
important, particularly as these cities expand, they cross State lines.
The mayors come to see us - and they've strongly supported this legislation.
They move from department to department where their interests are assigned
to different agencies under different conditions. This would be a very
important step forward, and that's why I am going to follow a procedure
of sending it to the Congress so that in this way we are bound to get a
vote on it by the House and the Senate.
[ 8.] Q. Mr. President, if you
are able to create a Department of Urban Affairs and Housing, there have
been numerous reports that you would appoint Robert Weaver to this Cabinet
position. Would you care to comment on these reports?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Weaver
is the head of the Housing Agency and he was chosen for that position because
he had long experience. I think he has done an outstanding job.
This would be the most important
part of any new agency. If we did receive the authority, I would appoint
Mr. Weaver to be the Secretary.
[ 9.] Q. Mr. President, your
brother Teddy, in Massachusetts, seems to be running for something but
none of us are very certain just what it is. Could you tell us if you have
had an opportunity to discuss this with him and whether you can tell us
the secret?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
he's the man - he's the man who's running and he's the man to discuss it
with.
[ 10.] Q. Mr. President, assuming
the American air bases in the Portuguese Azores are vital to our security,
could you explain to us if you expect the Government will have any difficulty
negotiating leases - renewed leases on those bases this year, especially
in light of the report from Lisbon of our strained relations with Portugal?
THE PRESIDENT. I think the Azores
base is very important to us and to NATO and the negotiations will take
place this year. We're hopeful that they will continue to permit us to
use this base upon which 75 to 80 percent of our military air traffic to
Europe depends, so that in these rather critical times in Europe that base
is extremely important to us.
I'm hopeful that it will be
possible for us to reach an agreement with the Portuguese for continued
use of it. But that's a matter which will be negotiated between the countries.
[ 11.] Q. Mr. President, you
said yesterday that more people ought to drink milk. None of the young
marrieds I know of lay off it on account of radioactivity. They lay off
it because they can hardly buy enough for the children, and not themselves,
on account of the price. Now, how is it that with the butter priced off
the table and milk so high they can't buy it, we have surpluses that we
buy up and give away?
THE PRESIDENT. The price of
milk has not - well, I don't have the latest figures here - in the last
12 months, overall consumer prices have not materially increased. Perhaps
- so that I'm not sure that the whole explanation of the drop within the
last 12 months, which has been quite sharp - in other words, the consumption
has dropped by 1½ percent, while the population was going up 1½
percent, so that I don't feel, Mrs. Craig, even though I recognize that
this is an important element, I don't believe it can be explained by price
alone. We are attempting to make judgments as to what can be done to increase
the consumption. I don't - think that the dairy farmer, who averages
about, I think, 82 cents an hour, is being overcompensated for his work.
So that while price obviously is a factor, it is not the total explanation.
I was attempting to reassure
on radioactive, and on the matter of - and also to see if we can stimulate
it by example. Mr. Salinger drank it this morning - [laughter] -
with no adverse effect.
[ 12. ] Q. Mr. President, do
you have real prospects that your medical-care-for-the-aged bill will come
out of committee finally for a vote up or down by Congress at this session?
THE PRESIDENT. I have real hope
that there will be a vote on the medical care for the aged this year, in
the Congress, yes.
[ 13.] Q. Mr. President, what
is your view of the House amendment to the postal rate bill which would
prohibit the Post Office from distributing mail labeled as Communist propaganda?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
it does not give the Attorney General - I just had the language here -
it doesn't give the Attorney General very clear guidance as to what he's
supposed to label Communist and political propaganda. Is he supposed to
label newspapers that may be received or speeches, or whatever they may
be, so that the language is somewhat vague? In addition, I think we want
to realize that this is a reciprocal matter. I think in the last 12 months,
ending March 31, 1961, we sent - a total of 16 million pounds of mail of
all types were sent to the Iron Curtain countries. A lot of it went to
friends and relatives in Iron Curtain countries, food packages and all
of the rest, and we were only receiving 2,300,000 pounds.
Now, there has been a drop in
the amount of mail coming in from Communist countries in the last few months,
really since last spring. If there is also an effort made by the Communists
to deny us ability to send mail, it's going to present serious problems
for a good many Americans who have been carrying on correspondence with
friends and relatives. Now, I know that that's not the purpose. I think
the Senate should examine the language very clearly and make sure that
it's effective and is responsive to our national needs, and determine whether
the rather generalized instructions to the Attorney General fall within
the necessity of legal precision.
I think the American people
are used to hearing all sides. I don't think that they are particularly
impressed by a good deal of what I have seen of propaganda. We send a good
deal of mail out and I want to be sure that our rights to send our mail
and our views and our correspondence to all parts of the world are not
interfered with. So that I think the Senate should look at it carefully.
[ 14.] Q. Mr. President, in
your comments on the statements about the military censorship issue, you
make no reference to President Eisenhower's statement of yesterday. Would
you care to comment on what he had to say?
THE PRESIDENT. No. Everyone
is giving their views. I've given mine. And my views are - I think I just
gave them. President Eisenhower is entitled to hold his views and express
them. And as I say, I thought Mr. Lovett and these other three military
hit it so precisely that I strongly endorse what they said, and I'm filled
with appreciation of the fact that three distinguished members of the military
said it.
[ 15.] Q. Mr. President, two
well-known security risks have recently been put on a task force in the
State Department to help reorganize the Office of Security.
THE PRESIDENT. Well, now, who?
Q. William Arthur Wieland, a
well-known man who for over a year the State---
THE PRESIDENT. And who - now
I think, Mrs. McClendon, I think that - would you give me the other name?
Q. Yes, sir - J. Clayton Miller.
THE PRESIDENT. Right. Well,
now, I think the term - I would say that the term you've used to describe
them is a very strong term which I would think that you should be prepared
to substantiate. I am familiar with Mr. Miller's record because I happened
to look at it the other day. He has been cleared by the State Department.
In my opinion, the duties which he is now carrying out, he is fit for.
And I have done that after Mr. Rusk and I both looked at the matter, so
therefore I cannot accept your description of him.
Q. Did you both look at Mr.
William Arthur Wieland, too?
THE PRESIDENT. I am familiar
with Mr. Wieland. I'm also familiar with his duties at the present time,
and in my opinion, Mr. Miller and Mr. Wieland, the duties they have been
assigned to, they can carry out without detriment to the interests of the
United States, and I hope without detriment to their characters by your
question.
[ 16.] Q. Mr. President, considering
that the one ingredient in all these radical right organizations seems
to be anticommunism or possibly superpatriotism, would it be feasible or
useful for you, or even for the Republican leaders, to appeal to these
people to stop tilting at windmills and to make a common cause against
the enemy? My question really is, do you think there is any merit in this
idea?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I did attempt
in my speech at Seattle, my speech in Los Angeles, and in other speeches
to indicate what I consider to be the challenges that the United States
faces, and I would hope that - there have been others who have done the
same thing and I think we should keep that up. And I am hopeful that we
can turn the energies of all patriotic Americans to the great problems
that we face at home and abroad. The problems are extremely serious. I
share their concern about the cause of freedom. But I do think that we
ought to look at what the challenges are with some precision and not concern
ourselves on occasions with matters such as character or integrity of the
Chief Justice or other matters which are really not even in question.
[ 17.] Q. Mr. President, it
has been reported that you have indicated an interest in the provision
of some sort of scholarship aid, perhaps something similar to the GI bill,
for the reservists and National Guardsmen that were recently called up.
Could you give us a little clearer picture of your views? For example,
would you favor something such as Senator Yarborough of Texas' cold war
GI bill?
THE PRESIDENT. Well now, on
the general question of whether we should have a special scholarship program
for reservists or draftees, this is a matter that is being considered.
Senator Yarborough's bill was not in the administration's program on education
this year. It involved a rather large sum of money, $350 million, at a
time when we were making rather broad recommendations for our education.
But whether there should be some special program of selected scholarships
which would be available for competition is a matter which we are looking
at, and which I hope to discuss with Senator Yarborough.
[ 18.] Q. Mr. President, as you have
just emphasized, present strontium 90 levels in milk are certainly well
within an acceptable range. But since milk is a major source of calcium
and adequate calcium in the body apparently does help prevent deposits
of strontium 90 in bone, it has been suggested that strontium removal plants,
such as the one developed by the Government might be adopted by all the
dairy industry to provide the Nation with a nutritious as well as a radiation-free
source of calcium. Would you give us your views on this? What would you
think of it?
THE PRESIDENT. My information
is that - and I think, as I stated yesterday, that this has not reached
a point where any action such as you've suggested is necessary. Milk is
safe and can be drunk with strong conviction that it's assisting health
and not working against good health. Now, if the situation should ever
change, we would inform the American people and take appropriate action.
But for the present, the cow itself, along with other factors, makes our
milk very safe and useful to drink.
Q. Yes, that is what I pointed
out. The only thing is it has been suggested that many other foods are
not as yet safe and do add to the strontium burden in the body, and if
one has a calcium-free source that is free of contamination, this helps
build up a resistance for these other things. It was suggested from that
point of view rather than because it is dangerous now or even in the future.
[Laughter]
[ 19.] Q. Mr. President, in
the face of your economic message urging both management and labor to moderate
their policy regarding price and wage increases, would you tell us how
you feel about the electricians union's contract in New York which calls
for a 25-hour week?
THE PRESIDENT. I stated, I think
at the Steelworkers convention, before I was elected, and I've stated since
then, that I thought that the 40-hour week was the - in view of the many
obligations that we had upon us at home and abroad, represented the national
goal at this time. In addition, I've also stated that I thought that labor-management
contracts should be settled within the realm of productivity increases,
so that there would be a beneficial effect on price stability.
Now, this contract did not meet
either one of those two standards, and therefore I regretted it.
[ 20.] Q. Mr. President, how
do you feel or how does this Government feel about the political as distinct
from the economic integration of Western Europe? President de Gaulle has
seemed to stress confederation as distinct from federation, and the British
don't seem to be very eager for a common parliament. What is this Government's
position?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, we support
the Treaty of Rome, and of course that must be interpreted, and which is
now a subject of negotiation between the Six, and will also be a subject
of negotiation with the British, particularly because of their Commonwealth
obligations and so on. So we'll have to wait to see how it evolves. But
the general position of this administration, and the previous one, was
support of the Treaty of Rome, support of the integration of Europe, because
as Europe is strengthened we are strengthened. So that while the details
are matters, of course, of judgment for them, the general movement we believe
to be in the interests of the Atlantic Community.
[ 21.] Q. Mr. President, more
than one-third of the Senate and several influential members of the House
have petitioned you today seeking wider trade protection on textiles. In
view of their importance to your trade fight in Congress, could you tell
us how you plan to meet the request?
THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I received
a letter today from both, a good many members of the House and the Senate
in regard to the negotiations which are going to take place beginning next
Monday, and they were anxious that in those negotiations, that we would
be mindful of the desirability of maintaining a relationship between imports
and national production. I believe last year's imports of textiles were
around 7 percent - that's 1960 - and they had gone from 4 percent to 7
percent from 1957 to 1960, and then dropped to about 6 percent. I think
that this was a request for us to be concerned about any agreement which
might provide a substantial increase in textiles, and we are very mindful
of that, and we recognize the effect of all of this upon the trade bill
itself. So this is a matter of concern to us, too.
[ 22. ] Q. Mr. President, could
you tell us what the United States hopes will emerge from the present conference
at Punta del Este?
THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think
that what we - I think - will see emerge is an implementation of the -
really rather an effective statement of the concern that is felt by the
people of Latin America and this country at the intrusion of communism
into this - into our OAS family. And I'm confident that the negotiations
that are now going on, and that the deliberations of the countries will
be - will make their hostility to communism and totalitarianism very clear.
[ 23.] Q. Mr. President, could
you give us your views of the bill on educational television which is now
pending in the House Rules Committee?
THE PRESIDENT. I am sorry, I
don't know enough about it to give you an informed opinion.
[ 24.] Q. Mr. President, in
a very abbreviated interview this morning, the Attorney General said that
the Government was looking into racketeering, the operations of racketeering,
racketeers, in the stock exchange. Could you give us - could you comment
upon this problem or give us any indication of the extent of it?
THE PRESIDENT. I think I would
rather have you go back to the Attorney General on it.
[ 25.] Q. Mr. President, in
your speech out in Columbus, Ohio, you spoke of a fragmentation in the
Communist bloc. Could you elaborate, tell us a little more about this trouble
in the Red paradise?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I did make
a reference in my State of the Union to the closer integration of the free
world at a time when that particular trend had not been the most noticeable
trend in other parts of the world. But I think that until the pattern of
the future is clearer and relationships are more precise, a good deal of
our information must necessarily be surmised, and I don't really feel it
would be useful at this time to explore it in more detail.
[ 26.] Q. Mr. President, it
has been suggested by columnists and others that over the course of the
past year you have become more conservative, particularly that you recognize
that the country may not be ready for the full Democratic platform. Could
you comment on this assessment and tell us if you have changed your view
of the role of your leadership?
THE PRESIDENT. No, I consider
the progress we made last year in implementing the platform was very beneficial:
minimum wage, social security, depressed areas, and all the others, advances
in the field of foreign aid authorization. We have sent up a good many
more programs this year that were suggested in the platform. And I feel
we're making, and going to make, progress toward carrying out the commitments
of the country and the party. And we're staying at it.
Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President.