Senator KENNEDY. Governor Lawrence, Senator
Clark, Congressman Green, Mr. Rice, Warren Ballard, the next Congressman
and one of the great Americans of the day, ladies and gentlemen, I appreciate
that I am understanding it. I understand that earlier today there was a
meeting here of the children's party for UNICEF, which is a United Nations
organization, which is committed to the ending of children's diseases around
the world, and instead of having a Halloween party everyone contributed
to that. May I say that I think that is in the best tradition of this country's
humane and sympathetic effort. Government to government work is important,
but in the final analysis we are a free society depending upon the effort
that each of us makes, and, therefore, I congratulate those who were connected
with this effort this afternoon. When we look at the amount of disease
which afflicts children of all parts of the globe, particularly in Africa
and Asia, it staggers the imagination and offers a great challenge to us.
It is sometimes tragic for us to realize in thinking of the problems which
face us in the 1960's, that one of the great contributions which the United
States made to international understanding and good will was the sending
of penicillin to cure some of the diseases which inflicted the people of
north Africa. But as a result of ending those diseases, the population
of those areas so increased beyond the food supply that instead of increasing
the per capita standard of living, the per capita standard of living went
down.
So it is not enough to cure disease. If a
standard of living of a country depends in the past on 3, 4, or 5 million
children out of 10 dying, their first year, and we are able to save all
those children, then there is not enough food supply to go around.
The point of all this is twofold. First, that I am delighted
that the effort is made to participate in a humane and useful work, and
secondly, it suggests the staggering complexity of the problems that face
the United States as the leader of the free world in 1960. We fight against
disease, we insure longer life; we do not increase food supply, and therefore
the standard of living of the people goes down. How is it possible for
a country like Congo to maintain its freedom and independence when it has
12 university graduates in the whole country? How is it possible
for Libya to maintain its freedom when the average income is $25 a year
per person? How is it possible for India, where the average income is $65
per year per person, and nearly 50 to 60 million people are unemployed?
To be the leader of the free world will require
the best effort of those of us in the United States. The point that I wish
to make in this campaign is that we can't do our best to meet our responsibilities
around the world unless we do our best here in this country, unless we
are moving ahead here in the United States. As long as there are 35 percent
of our brightest boys and girls who graduate from high school and never
see the inside of a college, as long as there are 50 percent of the capacity
of our steel mills unused, as long as we are today building 30 percent
less homes than we did a year ago, as long as we are second in space, as
long as we are not able to make progress to develop all of our potential
and all of our resources, both human and material to serve the cause of
freedom, then quite obviously we are not meeting our responsibilities and
we cannot meet our responsibilities around the world. The difference of
opinion between Mr. Nixon and myself in this campaign in short is this:
He says that our prestige has never been higher, that of the Communists
never lower; he suggests that everything that needs to be done is being
done in its own good time, and he has chosen to run on a slogan of peace
and prosperity.
My judgment is that what we are now doing
is not good enough, that we need new people, new energy, new vision, new
leadership. We need to attract people to our government service and the
service of our country who today are in universities or, like you, are
following your own interests. We need young men and women who will spend
some of their years in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, in the service
of freedom. We need others who will serve in governmental posts which lack
glamor but which serve the cause of freedom. We have to do through freedom
what the Communist system attempts to do through the power of the state.
But to do that in a system of freedom where each man or woman can follow
his own individual effort requires the best kind of leadership, a leadership
which shares with the people the facts of our existence.
One of my disagreements with this administration
and with Mr. Nixon has been on the argument of whether our prestige is
the highest it has even been, and all of you know now that this summer
the U.S. Government paid for polls taken in 10 countries, stretching all
the way from England to Indonesia, to ask them what they thought of the
United States, what they thought of our leadership, what they thought of
our purpose, what they thought of our military power in relation to that
of the Soviets, what they thought of our science in relation to that of
the Soviets, and which system they thought was going to win the long struggle.
These polls have never been revealed, except the newspapers did get two
or three of them this week. They showed, for example, that only 7 percent
of the people of England and France thought we were ahead of the Russians
in science. The majority of the people in 9 of the 10 countries believe
by 1970 the Soviet Union will be first scientifically and militarily.
Now, if they don't have confidence in us,
if they don't believe that the future belongs to the free, belongs to the
strong, belongs to the productive, if they believe that the Communist system
is moving with more purpose and direction than we are, how can we lead
to a free world coalition, which faces great difficulties anyway? I believe
we can, and I believe that the truth should be told, I believe that the
American people should have a clear and honest choice between two different
candidates between two different philosophies of government, between two
different views of our present opportunities, our present dangers, and
our future, and I believe this country is great. I believe it can meet
its obligations and responsibilities. But I believe it can only do it by
moving ahead. I do not believe that the Republican Party and Mr. Nixon
are committed to progress. [Applause.]
I have yet to hear, and I have been in the
Congress for 14 years, and I know all about the record then, but I have
yet to hear of one single original piece of new, progressive legislation
of benefit to the people, suggested and put into a fact by the Republican
Party. [Applause.] Social security, unemployment compensation,
housing legislation, care for the aged - all of these programs - civil
rights - in 1953 and 1954 the Republican Party controlled the White House,
the Senate and the House. Not one single civil rights bill saw the light
of day in either body. [Applause.]
Social security? The Republicans voted 90
percent against social security in the mid-thirties and voted 99 percent
against medical care for the aged tied to social security in 1960. The
Republicans voted 90 percent against a 25-cent minimum wage in the mid-thirties
and voted 90 percent against the $1.25 minimum wage in 1960. If you think
that party is committed to progress, then Mr. Nixon is your man. Response
from the audience and applause.] But if you share my view, if you share
my view that this country is going to have to move ahead, that progress
is our most important commodity, if you share my view that it is time we
picked ourselves up and moved into the sixties, I ask your support. Thank
you. [Applause.]