Senator KENNEDY. Mr. Powell, many thanks; Governor,
Congressman Gray, Senator Douglas, Otto Kerner, the next Governor, ladies
and gentlemen, I am very grateful to the president and the trustees of
Southern Illinois University for their generosity in having us here today,
and I am glad to see so many students who are also participating in the
profession of politics. Prince Bismarck once said that one-third of the
students of German universities broke down from overwork, another third
broke down from dissipation, and the other third ruled Germany. I do not
know which third of the student body we have here today at Southern Illinois
university, but I am confident I am talking to the future rulers of America
in the sense that all future men and women have an opportunity and an obligation
to participate in the discipline of self-government. I come here as the
Democratic candidate for the office of the President, and it is my hope
that this campaign will serve a useful national function. My responsibility
and the responsibility of the Democratic candidates is to present alternative
courses of action to our present policy so that the people can make a clear
choice, can make a judgment as to what they want their country to be, as
to which direction they want their country to go.
I believe that there is a clear choice in
1960, as there was in 1948, as there was in 1932, as there was in 1912.
I believe that the Democratic Party has once again an opportunity to be
of service because I believe that the problems which the United States
will face in the 1960's are entirely new, entirely different, and require
new people and new solutions. [Applause.]
The hard tough question for the next decade
and for this or any other group of Americans is whether this country, with
its freedom of choice, its breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives,
whether that country and that system can successfully, over a long period
of time, compete with a totalitarian state, where the total resources of
the state, both human and material, are harnessed to the service of the
state. How can we, over a long period of time, maintain our position, our
strength, our leadership, relative to that of the Communist world? That
is the question which faces both parties, and which faces America and which
faces all who believe in the cause of freedom. It is for that reason, among
others, that I find it particularly distressing that this country, after
a recession in 1954, and a recession in 1958, is now moving a short time
later, less than 3 years, into a period of plateau, of standstill, with
nearly 5 million Americans out of work and nearly 3 million Americans working
only part time.
Last year, 1959, not a recession year, our
economic growth was about one-third that of the Soviet Union and one-half
that of Germany, Italy, and France. We are going to have to have double
the economic growth we had last year if every student here and their successors
in the next 10 years is going to find a useful job. We are going to have
to find in the 1960's 25,000 new jobs a week for the next 10 years if we
are going to maintain full employment in the United States. And even when
we have done that, there are still those eddies, still those islands of
unemployment, because of technological changes, because of many conditions.
And you have seen it in southern Illinois, and I saw it in the textile
towns of Massachusetts, and I spent a month in it with West Virginia and
in Kentucky and parts of Pennsylvania.
The Federal Government is going to have to
devise a better use of its monetary and fiscal powers if it is going to
stimulate the growth of our economy. It cannot rely on a high interest
rate policy which I believe stifles our expansion, and we have to pass
once again and have a President who will sign the area redevelopment bill.
[Applause.]
I was the floor manager in 1956 for the first
Douglas area redevelopment bill. I was a cosponsor of it the second time
and a cosponsor the third time. Twice it has been vetoed and there is no
indication in 1960 that if we elect a Republican President that he will
sign a bill which I think will serve the general need. You cannot possibly
agree that it is in the public interest to have communities which have
15, 18, and 20 percent - in my own city of Lawrence 30 percent unemployed
for 3 years. What do those Americans do I saw them in West Virginia, over
100,000 families getting surplus food packages and no hope for the future.
Unless the Federal Government is willing to devote its energies, unless
it is willing to cooperate with local groups in this area, in the field
of education, in the field of health, in the field of minimum wages, unless
the Federal Government is able to use its powers affirmatively, I don't
think then that we can look to the future with the confidence and hope
that must be ours if we are not only going to endure but prevail.
I believe that the assignments facing the
next President of the United States are more difficult than any since the
administration of Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. In many ways,
they are more difficult than any president has faced since the time of
Lincoln. And in the time of Lincoln the issue was just the same as
the issue that we face now. In his speech in his last debate he repeated
his house divided theme, and in that speech he said, "The question is whether
this Nation can exist half slave and half free."
Now the question is whether the world can,
and I want to make it clear that I am not satisfied as an American with
the drift of events, with a Gallup poll which showed that a majority of
people in 10 countries in February believed that the Soviet Union would
be ahead of us in science and military power in 1970. You cannot stand
still against an adversary who is devoting all of his energies to a movement
forward. Mr. Khrushchev spends a month at the United Nations and
he is a busy man. He does it in order to further his cause. He knows that
in the next decade people in Latin America and Africa and Asia are going
to begin to make a judgment as to which side they are going to take, which
side represents the best hope for them, which system
travels better, communism or freedom. Can our system help them solve
their problems, or must they turn to the East? If you think American policy
toward these areas has demonstrated any lack of understanding of the serious
problems we face, I will name only one incident. We gave last summer at
the time of the uprising in the Congo we offered 300 scholarships to the
Congo. That was more than the U.S. Government had given to all of Africa
in 1959. There are 7 students from that 300 here in the United States today
from the Congo, even though over 800 applied. Two years ago, Guinea became
free. Three years ago Ghana became free. Guinea and Ghana have both moved
in the direction of associating themselves with Soviet policy. Cuba is
not the only example.
What I am concerned about is in 1970 I don't
want to see independent country after independent country begin to move
where Guinea and Ghana have gone, where the Congo almost went and may still
go, where Cuba has already gone, because for a simple reason they feel
that the Communists represent the future, they feel that we are identified
with the past, they feel that we are identified with colonialism, they
feel that we are identified with the kind of future which they do not want.
Why? After all, what we want is their independence. I think it is because
the United States in recent years has not demonstrated the vitality here
in the United States. I believe that Franklin Roosevelt and Wilson and
Truman were successful in their foreign policy because they were moving
here at home. Because Franklin Roosevelt was a good neighbor in the United
States, he was a good neighbor in Latin America. And what is true of Latin
America is true of Africa and true of Asia.
Next spring India may have a financial crisis.
But I don't hear anybody in this administration concerning themselves with
the problems of India which may be the most serious postwar crisis that
this country has faced. There is no use offering scholarships to the Congo
in 1960. It takes years to educate a man or a woman and prepare them for
self-government. There is no use suddenly coming at the point of Castro's
pistol and offering economic aid to Latin America, which we did this summer
when our relations with Castro became soured. These people know what is
going on. Where have we been the last 8 years? What new original concepts
of government, what has been associated with American foreign policy to
cause people around the world to believe that the Communist system and
Communist countries which, 40 years ago, in the case of Russia, the sickest
country in Europe, 10 years ago in the case of China was regarded as a
country with no future, and now they move, and the question is whether
they move fast enough? I believe that this is a great country, but I believe
it can be a greater country, and I believe it must be if it is going
to maintain its freedom, and is going to maintain its position as the leader
of the free world. No one is coming to our assistance if we fail. Only
ourselves, and, therefore, I believe that the unfinished business of this
society is to begin this country on the upward go, for every citizen to
be willing to devote his time and his energy to the service of this country.
I do not run for the Presidency saying life
will be easy in the 1960's, but I do run for the Presidency with the strong
feeling that the United States manifest destiny in 1960 is to serve ourselves
and serve the cause of freedom. [Applause.]
Thomas Paine in the American Revolution said,
"The cause of America is the cause of all mankind." I believe in 1960 that
the cause of all mankind is the cause of America. And I believe that once
again the Democratic Party, with stretches back in history longer than
any active party now in the world, stretching all the way back to Jefferson
- I believe that once again it is going to be called upon for great public
service and once again it is going to be given the opportunity to lead
this country and start this country moving again. Thank you. [Applause.]